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H.Doc.104-5 THE NATIONAL EMERGENCY WITH RESPECT TO THE GOVERNMENTS OF SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO ...


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        104th Congress, 1st Session - - - - - - - - - - - - - House 
Document 104-1



 
                      STATE OF THE UNION MESSAGE

                               __________

                                MESSAGE

                                  from

                   THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

                              transmitting

                   A REPORT ON THE STATE OF THE UNION

<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT>


  January 24, 1995.--Message and accompanying papers referred to the 
 Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union and ordered to 
                              be printed.
To the Congress of the United States:
    Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 104th Congress, 
my fellow Americans:
    Again we are here in the sanctuary of democracy and once 
again our democracy has spoken. So let me begin by 
congratulating all of you here in the 104th Congress and 
congratulating you, Mr. Speaker. If we agree on nothing else 
tonight, we must agree that the American people certainly voted 
for change in 1992 and in 1994. As I look out at you, I know 
how some of you must have felt in 1992. I must say that in both 
years, we did not hear America singing, we heard America 
shouting. And now all of us, Republicans and Democrats alike, 
must say we hear you. We will work together to earn the jobs 
you have given us. We are the keepers of the sacred trust, and 
we must be faithful to it in this new and very demanding era.
    Over 200 years ago our founders changed the entire course 
of human history by joining together to create a new country 
based on a single powerful idea: We hold these truths to be 
self-evident, that all men are created equal, endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and among these are 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
    It has fallen to every generation since then to preserve 
that idea, the American idea, and to deepen and expand its 
meaning in new and different times, to Lincoln and to his 
Congress, to preserve the union and to end slavery; to Theodore 
Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson to restrain the abuses and 
excesses of the Industrial Revolution, and to exert our 
leadership in the world; to Franklin Roosevelt, to fight the 
failure and pain of the Great Depression and to win our 
country's great struggle against fascism; and to all our 
presidents since, to fight the Cold War. Especially I recall 
two, who struggled to fight that Cold War in partnership with 
Congresses where the majority was of a different party. To 
Harry Truman, who summoned us to unparalleled prosperity at 
home and who built the architecture of the Cold War, and to 
Ronald Reagan, who we wish well tonight and who exhorted us to 
carry on until the twilight struggle against communism was won.
    In another time of change and challenge, I had the honor to 
be the first President to be elected in the post-Cold War era, 
an era marked by the global economy, the information 
revolution, unparalleled change and opportunity and in security 
for the American people.
    I came to this hallowed Chamber two years ago on a mission, 
to restore the American dream for all our people and to make 
sure that we move into the 21st Century still the strongest 
force for freedom and democracy in the entire world. I was 
determined then to tackle the tough problems too long ignored. 
In this effort I am frank to say that I have made my mistakes, 
and I have learned 
again the importance of humility in all human endeavor. But I 
am also proud to say tonight that our country is stronger than 
it was two years ago.
    Record numbers of Americans are succeeding in the new 
global economy. We are at peace and we are a force for peace 
and freedom throughout the world. We have almost 6 million new 
jobs since I became president, and we have the lowest combined 
rate of unemployment and inflation in 25 years. Our businesses 
are more productive, and here we have worked to bring the 
deficit down, to expand trade, to put more police on our 
streets, to give our citizens more of the tools they need to 
get an education and to rebuild their own communities.
    But the rising tide is not lifting all boats. While our 
Nation is enjoying peace and prosperity, too many of our people 
are still working harder and harder for less and less. While 
our businesses are restructuring and growing more productive 
and competitive, too many of our people still cannot be sure of 
having a job next year or even next month. And far more than 
our material riches are threatened, things far more precious to 
us: Our children, our families, our values. Our civil life is 
suffering in America today. Citizens are working together less 
and shouting at each other more. The common bounds of community 
which have been the great strength of our country from its very 
beginning are badly frayed.
    What are we to do about it? More than 60 years ago at the 
dawn of another new era, President Roosevelt told our Nation 
new conditions impose new requirements on government and those 
who conduct government. And from that simple proposition, he 
shaped a New Deal, which helped to restore our Nation to 
prosperity and defined the relationship between our people and 
their government for half a century. That approach worked in 
its time, but we today, we face a very different time and very 
different conditions.
    We are moving from an industrial age built on gears and 
sweat, to an information age demanding skills and learning and 
flexibility. Our government, once the champion of national 
purpose, is now seen by many as simply a captive of narrow 
interests, putting more burdens on our citizens rather than 
equipping them to get ahead. The values that used to hold us 
altogether seem to be coming apart.
    So tonight we must forge a new social compact to meet the 
challenges of this time. As we enter a new era, we need a new 
set of understandings, not just with government, but, even more 
important, with one another, as Americans.
    That is what I want to talk with you about tonight. I call 
it the New Covenant. But it is grounded in a very, very old 
idea, that all Americans have not just a right, but a solemn 
responsibility to rise as far as their God-given talents and 
determination can take them, and to give something back to 
their communities and their country in return. Opportunity and 
responsibility, they go hand in hand. We can't have one without 
the other, and our national community can't hold together 
without both.
    Our New Covenant is a new set of understandings for how we 
can equip our people to meet the challenges of the new economy, 
how we can change the way our government works to fit a 
different time, and, above all, how we can repair the damaged 
bonds in our 
society and come together behind our common purpose. We must 
have dramatic change in our economy, our government, and 
ourselves.
    My fellow Americans, without regard to party, let us rise 
to the occasion. Let us put aside partisanship and pettiness 
and pride. As we embark on this new course, let us put our 
country first, remembering that regardless of party label, we 
are all Americans, and let the final test of everything we do 
be a simple one: Is it good for the American people?
    Let me begin by saying that we cannot ask Americans to be 
better citizens if we are not better servants. You made a good 
start by passing that law which applies to Congress all the 
laws you put on the private sector, and I was proud to sign 
that yesterday. But we have a lot more to do before people 
really trust the way things work around here. Three times as 
many lobbyists are in the streets and corridors of Washington 
as were here 20 years ago. The American people look at their 
Capitol and they see a city where the well-connected and the 
well-protected can work the system. But the interests of 
ordinary citizens are often left out.
    As the new Congress opened its doors, lobbyists were still 
doing business as usual. The gifts, the trips, all the things 
that people are concerned about haven't stopped. Twice this 
month you missed opportunities to stop these practices. I know 
there were other considerations in those votes, but I want to 
use something I have heard my Republican friends say from time 
to time, there doesn't have to be a law for everything. So 
tonight, I ask you to just stop taking the lobbyists' perks. 
Just stop.
    We don't have to wait for legislation to pass to send a 
strong signal to the American people that things are really 
changing. But I also hope you will send me the strongest 
possible lobby reform bill, and I will sign that, too. We 
should require lobbyists to tell the people for whom they work, 
what they are spending, what they wanted. We should also curb 
the role of big money in elections by capping the costs of 
campaigns and limiting the influence of PAC's.
    As I have said for three years, we should work to open the 
airwaves so that they can be an instrument of democracy, not a 
weapon of destruction, by giving free TV time to candidates for 
public office. When the last Congress killed political reform 
last year, it was reported in the press that the lobbyists 
actually stood in the halls of this sacred building and 
cheered. This year, let's give the folks at home something to 
cheer about.
    More important, I think we all agree that we have to change 
the way the government works. Let's make it smaller and less 
costly and smarter, leaner.
    I just told the Speaker the equal time doctrine is alive 
and well.
    The New Covenant approach to governing is as different from 
the old bureaucratic way as the computer is from the manual 
typewriter. The old way of governing around here protected 
organized interests. We should look out for the interests of 
ordinary people. The old way divided us by interests, 
constituency or class. The New Covenant way should unite us 
behind a common vision of what is best for our country. The old 
way dispensed services through large top-down inflexible 
bureaucracies. The New Covenant way should shift these 
resources and decision making from bureaucrats to citizens, 
injecting choice and competition and individual responsibility 
into national policy.
    The old way of governing around here actually seemed to 
reward failure. The New Covenant way should have built-in 
incentives to reward success. The old way was centralized here 
in Washington. The New Covenant way must take hold in the 
communities all across America, and we should help them to do 
that.
    Our job here is to expand opportunity, not bureaucracy, to 
empower people to make the most of their own lives, and to 
enhance our security here at home and abroad.
    We must not ask government to do what we should do for 
ourselves. We should rely on government as a partner to help us 
to do more for ourselves and for each other.
    I hope very much that as we debate these specific and 
exciting matters, we can go beyond the sterile discussion 
between the illusion that there is somehow a program for every 
problem on the one hand, and the other illusion that the 
government is the source of every problem we have. Our job is 
to get rid of yesterday's government so that our own people can 
meet today's and tomorrow's needs, and we ought to do it 
together.
    You know, for years before I became President, I heard 
others say they would cut government and how bad it was. But 
not much happened. We actually did it. We cut over one-quarter 
of a trillion dollars in spending, more than 300 domestic 
programs, more than 100,000 positions from the Federal 
bureaucracy in the last two years alone. Based on decisions 
already made, we will have cut a total of more than a quarter 
of a million positions from the Federal Government, making it 
the smallest it has been since John Kennedy was President by 
the time I come here again next year.
    Under the leadership of Vice President Gore, our 
initiatives have already saved taxpayers $63 billion. The age 
of the $500 hammer and the ashtray you can break on David 
Letterman is gone. Deadwood programs like mohair subsidies are 
gone. We have streamlined the Agriculture Department by 
reducing it by more than 1,200 offices. We have slashed the 
small business loan form from an inch thick to a single page. 
We have thrown away the government's 10,000-page personnel 
manual. And the government is working better in important ways. 
FEMA, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, has gone from 
being a disaster to helping people in disasters.
    You can ask the farmers in the Middle West who fought the 
flood there or the people in California who dealt with floods 
and earthquakes and fires, and they will tell you that.
    Government workers working hand in hand with private 
business rebuilt Southern California's fractured freeways in 
record time and under budget. And because the Federal 
Government moved fast, all but one of the 5,600 schools damaged 
in the earthquake are back in business.
    Now, there are a lot of other things that I could talk 
about. I want to just mention one, because it will be discussed 
here in the next few weeks. The university administrators all 
across the country have told me that they are saving weeks and 
weeks of bureaucratic time now because of our Direct College 
Loan Program, which makes college loans cheaper and more 
affordable with better repayment terms for students, costs the 
government less, and cuts out paperwork and bureaucracy for the 
government and for the universities. We shouldn't cap that 
program. We should give every college in America the 
opportunity to be a part of it.
    Previous government programs gathered dust. The reinventing 
government report is getting results. And we are not through. 
There is going to be a second round of reinventing government. 
We propose to cut $130 billion in spending by shrinking 
departments, extending our freeze on domestic spending, cutting 
60 public housing programs down to 3, and getting rid of over 
100 programs we do not need, like the Interstate Commerce 
Commission and the Helium Reserve Program.
    And we are working on getting rid of unnecessary 
regulations and making them more sensible. The programs and 
regulations that have outlived their usefulness should go. We 
have to cut yesterday's government to help solve tomorrow's 
problems, and we need to get government closer to the people it 
is meant to serve. We need to help move programs down to the 
point where states and communities and private citizens in the 
private sector can do a better job. If they can do it, we ought 
to let them do it. We should get out of the way and let them do 
what they can do better.
    Taking power away from Federal bureaucracies and giving it 
back to communities and individuals is something everyone 
should be able to be for. It is time for Congress to stop 
passing on to the states the cost of decisions we make here in 
Washington.
    I know there are still serious differences over the details 
of the unfunded mandates legislation, but I want to work with 
you to make sure we pass a reasonable bill which will protect 
the national interests and give justified relief where we need 
to give it.
    For years Congress concealed in the budget scores of pet 
spending projects. Last year was no different. There was $1 
million to study stress in plants, and $12 million for a tick 
removal program that didn't work. It is hard to remove ticks. 
Those of us who have them know. But I will tell you something, 
if you will give me the line item veto, I will remove some of 
that unnecessary spending. But I think we should all remember, 
and almost all of us would agree, that government still has 
important responsibilities. Our young people, we should think 
of this when we cut, our young people hold our future in their 
hands, we still owe a debt to our veterans, and our senior 
citizens have made us what we are.

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