Home > 106th Congressional Bills > H.R. 761 (ih) To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to repeal the inclusion in gross income of Social Security benefits. [Introduced in House] ...H.R. 761 (ih) To amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to repeal the inclusion in gross income of Social Security benefits. [Introduced in House] ...
108th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 760
To prohibit the procedure commonly known as partial-birth abortion.
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IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
February 13, 2003
Mr. Chabot (for himself, Mr. Sensenbrenner, Mr. King of Iowa, Mr.
Kennedy of Minnesota, Mr. Bachus, Mr. Brady of Texas, Mr. Cannon, Mr.
Cantor, Mr. Cunningham, Mr. English, Mr. Green of Wisconsin, Ms. Hart,
Mr. Hayes, Mr. Hefley, Mr. Hoekstra, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Jenkins, Mr.
Kingston, Mr. Miller of Florida, Mrs. Myrick, Mr. Ney, Mr. Pence, Mr.
Peterson of Pennsylvania, Mr. Pitts, Mr. Toomey, Mr. Weldon of
Pennsylvania, Mr. Pickering, Mr. Oxley, Mr. Crane, Mr. DeMint, Mr.
Schrock, Mr. Tancredo, Mr. Aderholt, Mr. Tiahrt, Mr. Norwood, Mr.
Shadegg, Mr. Burton of Indiana, Mr. Doolittle, Mr. Ehlers, Mr. Rogers
of Michigan, Mr. Baker, Mr. Mollohan, Mr. Ballenger, Mr. McCrery, Mr.
Renzi, Mr. Fletcher, Mr. Tiberi, Mr. Akin, Mr. Collins, Mr. John, Mr.
Ryun of Kansas, Mr. Hostettler, Mr. Vitter, Mr. McCotter, Mr. Portman,
Mr. Sessions, Mr. Souder, Mr. Shuster, Mr. Wolf, Mr. Pombo, Mr. DeLay,
Mr. Camp, Mr. Barton of Texas, Mr. Costello, Mr. Bishop of Utah, Mr.
Taylor of Mississippi, Mr. Everett, Mr. Blunt, Mr. Terry, Mrs. Cubin,
Mr. Oberstar, Mr. Graves, Mr. Whitfield, Mr. Issa, Mr. Feeney, Mr.
Stenholm, Mr. Goss, Mr. Smith of New Jersey, Mr. Hyde, Mr. Wilson of
South Carolina, Mr. Gutknecht, Mr. Petri, Mr. Linder, Mr. Coble, Mr.
Hayworth, Mr. Franks of Arizona, Mr. Burgess, Mr. Stearns, Mr.
Beauprez, Mr. Hulshof, Mr. Rogers of Alabama, Mr. Burns, Mr. Platts,
Mr. Brown of South Carolina, Mr. Rehberg, Mrs. Emerson, Mr. Kline, Mr.
LaHood, Mr. Moran of Kansas, Mr. Tom Davis of Virginia, Mr. Boozman,
Mr. Osborne, Mr. Lewis of Kentucky, Mr. Murphy, Mr. Simpson, Mr.
Rahall, Mr. Taylor of North Carolina, Mrs. Jo Ann Davis of Virginia,
Mr. Wamp, Mr. Goode, Mr. Chocola, Mrs. Northup, Mr. Forbes, Mr.
Sullivan, Mr. Goodlatte, Mr. Putnam, Mrs. Blackburn, Mr. Turner of
Ohio, Mr. Pearce, Mrs. Miller of Michigan, Ms. Granger, Mr. Gingrey,
Mr. Manzullo, Mr. Cole, Mr. Ferguson, Mr. Calvert, Mr. Smith of Texas,
Mr. Garrett of New Jersey, Mr. Stupak, Mr. Burr, Mr. Ryan of Wisconsin,
Mr. Jones of North Carolina, Mrs. Musgrave, Mr. Culberson, Mr.
LaTourette, Mr. Boehner, Mr. Barrett of South Carolina, and Mr.
Hensarling) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the
Committee on the Judiciary
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A BILL
To prohibit the procedure commonly known as partial-birth abortion.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of
2003''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
The Congress finds and declares the following:
(1) A moral, medical, and ethical consensus exists that the
practice of performing a partial-birth abortion--an abortion in
which a physician delivers an unborn child's body until only
the head remains inside the womb, punctures the back of the
child's skull with a sharp instrument, and sucks the child's
brains out before completing delivery of the dead infant--is a
gruesome and inhumane procedure that is never medically
necessary and should be prohibited.
(2) Rather than being an abortion procedure that is
embraced by the medical community, particularly among
physicians who routinely perform other abortion procedures,
partial-birth abortion remains a disfavored procedure that is
not only unnecessary to preserve the health of the mother, but
in fact poses serious risks to the long-term health of women
and in some circumstances, their lives. As a result, at least
27 States banned the procedure as did the United States
Congress which voted to ban the procedure during the 104th,
105th, and 106th Congresses.
(3) In Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914, 932 (2000), the
United States Supreme Court opined ``that significant medical
authority supports the proposition that in some circumstances,
[partial birth abortion] would be the safest procedure'' for
pregnant women who wish to undergo an abortion. Thus, the Court
struck down the State of Nebraska's ban on partial-birth
abortion procedures, concluding that it placed an ``undue
burden'' on women seeking abortions because it failed to
include an exception for partial-birth abortions deemed
necessary to preserve the ``health'' of the mother.
(4) In reaching this conclusion, the Court deferred to the
Federal district court's factual findings that the partial-
birth abortion procedure was statistically and medically as
safe as, and in many circumstances safer than, alternative
abortion procedures.
(5) However, the great weight of evidence presented at the
Stenberg trial and other trials challenging partial-birth
abortion bans, as well as at extensive Congressional hearings,
demonstrates that a partial-birth abortion is never necessary
to preserve the health of a woman, poses significant health
risks to a woman upon whom the procedure is performed, and is
outside of the standard of medical care.
(6) Despite the dearth of evidence in the Stenberg trial
court record supporting the district court's findings, the
United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit and the
Supreme Court refused to set aside the district court's factual
findings because, under the applicable standard of appellate
review, they were not ``clearly erroneous''. A finding of fact
is clearly erroneous ``when although there is evidence to
support it, the reviewing court on the entire evidence is left
with the definite and firm conviction that a mistake has been
committed''. Anderson v. City of Bessemer City, North Carolina,
470 U.S. 564, 573 (1985). Under this standard, ``if the
district court's account of the evidence is plausible in light
of the record viewed in its entirety, the court of appeals may
not reverse it even though convinced that had it been sitting
as the trier of fact, it would have weighed the evidence
differently''. Id. at 574.
(7) Thus, in Stenberg, the United States Supreme Court was
required to accept the very questionable findings issued by the
district court judge--the effect of which was to render null
and void the reasoned factual findings and policy
determinations of the United States Congress and at least 27
State legislatures.
(8) However, under well-settled Supreme Court
jurisprudence, the United States Congress is not bound to
accept the same factual findings that the Supreme Court was bound to
accept in Stenberg under the ``clearly erroneous'' standard. Rather,
the United States Congress is entitled to reach its own factual
findings--findings that the Supreme Court accords great deference--and
to enact legislation based upon these findings so long as it seeks to
pursue a legitimate interest that is within the scope of the
Constitution, and draws reasonable inferences based upon substantial
evidence.
(9) In Katzenbach v. Morgan, 384 U.S. 641 (1966), the
Supreme Court articulated its highly deferential review of
Congressional factual findings when it addressed the
constitutionality of section 4(e) of the Voting Rights Act of
1965. Regarding Congress' factual determination that section
4(e) would assist the Puerto Rican community in ``gaining
nondiscriminatory treatment in public services,'' the Court
stated that ``[i]t was for Congress, as the branch that made
this judgment, to assess and weigh the various conflicting
considerations . . . . It is not for us to review the
congressional resolution of these factors. It is enough that we
be able to perceive a basis upon which the Congress might
resolve the conflict as it did. There plainly was such a
basis to support section 4(e) in the application in question in this
case.''. Id. at 653.
(10) Katzenbach's highly deferential review of Congress's
factual conclusions was relied upon by the United States
District Court for the District of Columbia when it upheld the
``bail-out'' provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, (42
U.S.C. 1973c), stating that ``congressional fact finding, to
which we are inclined to pay great deference, strengthens the
inference that, in those jurisdictions covered by the Act,
state actions discriminatory in effect are discriminatory in
purpose''. City of Rome, Georgia v. U.S., 472 F. Supp. 221 (D.
D. Col. 1979) aff'd City of Rome, Georgia v. U.S., 446 U.S. 156
(1980).
(11) The Court continued its practice of deferring to
congressional factual findings in reviewing the
constitutionality of the must-carry provisions of the Cable
Television Consumer Protection and Competition Act of 1992. See
Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. Federal Communications
Commission, 512 U.S. 622 (1994) (Turner I) and Turner
Broadcasting System, Inc. v. Federal Communications Commission,
520 U.S. 180 (1997) (Turner II). At issue in the Turner cases
was Congress' legislative finding that, absent mandatory
carriage rules, the continued viability of local broadcast
television would be ``seriously jeopardized''. The Turner I
Court recognized that as an institution, ``Congress is far
better equipped than the judiciary to `amass and evaluate the
vast amounts of data' bearing upon an issue as complex and
dynamic as that presented here''. 512 U.S. at 665-66. Although
the Court recognized that ``the deference afforded to
legislative findings does `not foreclose our independent
judgment of the facts bearing on an issue of constitutional
law,''' its ``obligation to exercise independent judgment when
First Amendment rights are implicated is not a license to
reweigh the evidence de novo, or to replace Congress' factual
predictions with our own. Rather, it is to assure that, in
formulating its judgments, Congress has drawn reasonable
inferences based on substantial evidence.'' Id. at 666.
(12) Three years later in Turner II, the Court upheld the
``must-carry'' provisions based upon Congress' findings,
stating the Court's ``sole obligation is `to assure that, in
formulating its judgments, Congress has drawn reasonable
inferences based on substantial evidence.''' 520 U.S. at 195.
Citing its ruling in Turner I, the Court reiterated that ``[w]e
owe Congress' findings deference in part because the
institution `is far better equipped than the judiciary to
``amass and evaluate the vast amounts of data'' bearing upon'
legislative questions,'' id. at 195, and added that it ``owe[d]
Congress' findings an additional measure of deference out of
respect for its authority to exercise the legislative power.''
Id. at 196.
(13) There exists substantial record evidence upon which
Congress has reached its conclusion that a ban on partial-birth
abortion is not required to contain a ``health'' exception,
because the facts indicate that a partial-birth abortion is
never necessary to preserve the health of a woman, poses
serious risks to a woman's health, and lies outside the
standard of medical care. Congress was informed by extensive
hearings held during the 104th, 105th, and 107th Congresses and
passed a ban on partial-birth abortion in the 104th, 105th, and
106th Congresses. These findings reflect the very informed
judgment of the Congress that a partial-birth abortion is never
necessary to preserve the health of a woman, poses serious
risks to a woman's health, and lies outside the standard of
medical care, and should, therefore, be banned.
(14) Pursuant to the testimony received during extensive
legislative hearings during the 104th, 105th, and 107th
Congresses, Congress finds and declares that:
(A) Partial-birth abortion poses serious risks to
the health of a woman undergoing the procedure. Those
risks include, among other things: an increase in a
woman's risk of suffering from cervical incompetence, a
result of cervical dilation making it difficult or
impossible for a woman to successfully carry a
subsequent pregnancy to term; an increased risk of
uterine rupture, abruption, amniotic fluid embolus, and
trauma to the uterus as a result of converting the
child to a footling breech position, a procedure which,
according to a leading obstetrics textbook, ``there are
very few, if any, indications for . . . other than for
delivery of a second twin''; and a risk of lacerations
and secondary hemorrhaging due to the doctor blindly
forcing a sharp instrument into the base of the unborn
child's skull while he or she is lodged in the birth
canal, an act which could result in severe bleeding,
brings with it the threat of shock, and could
ultimately result in maternal death.
(B) There is no credible medical evidence that
partial-birth abortions are safe or are safer than
other abortion procedures. No controlled studies of
partial-birth abortions have been conducted nor have
any comparative studies been conducted to demonstrate
its safety and efficacy compared to other abortion
methods. Furthermore, there have been no articles
published in peer-reviewed journals that establish that
partial-birth abortions are superior in any way to
established abortion procedures. Indeed, unlike other
more commonly used abortion procedures, there are
currently no medical schools that provide instruction
on abortions that include the instruction in partial-
birth abortions in their curriculum.
(C) A prominent medical association has concluded
that partial-birth abortion is ``not an accepted
medical practice,'' that it has ``never been subject to
even a minimal amount of the normal medical practice
development,'' that ``the relative advantages and
disadvantages of the procedure in specific
circumstances remain unknown,'' and that ``there is no
consensus among obstetricians about its use''. The
association has further noted that partial-birth
abortion is broadly disfavored by both medical experts
and the public, is ``ethically wrong,'' and ``is never
the only appropriate procedure''.
(D) Neither the plaintiff in Stenberg v. Carhart,
nor the experts who testified on his behalf, have
identified a single circumstance during which a
partial-birth abortion was necessary to preserve the
health of a woman.
(E) The physician credited with developing the
partial-birth abortion procedure has testified that he
has never encountered a situation where a partial-birth
abortion was medically necessary to achieve the desired
outcome and, thus, is never medically necessary to
preserve the health of a woman.
(F) A ban on the partial-birth abortion procedure
will therefore advance the health interests of pregnant
women seeking to terminate a pregnancy.
(G) In light of this overwhelming evidence,
Congress and the States have a compelling interest in
prohibiting partial-birth abortions. In addition to
promoting maternal health, such a prohibition will draw
a bright line that clearly distinguishes abortion and
infanticide, that preserves the integrity of the
medical profession, and promotes respect for human
life.
(H) Based upon Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973) and
Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992), a
governmental interest in protecting the life of a child
during the delivery process arises by virtue of the
fact that during a partial-birth abortion, labor is
induced and the birth process has begun. This
distinction was recognized in Roe when the Court noted,
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