pd04my98 Remarks at the White House Correspondents' Association Dinner...

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the importance of advocating a human rights agenda, and I believe that 
he will do that. I think he will push for democracy and human rights in 
Cuba. And if he does that effectively and makes that case, the same case 
that President Cardoso of Brazil made when we were in Chile when he said 
that it would be possible for Cuba to preserve its social contract in 
health care and education and still make the transition to democracy, 
and that's what they should be working on now. Then it could serve our 
common goal. We can have different approaches to a common goal, and I 
think we do have a common goal.
    Go ahead, Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International]. I'm 
sorry.

Legislative Agenda

    Q. I was asking, are you threatening a veto for any tax cuts--
[inaudible]?
    The President. I tried to make it clear that I will do my best to 
stop any legislation that does not honor the principle of saving Social 
Security first.
    There are lots of good ideas out there that deserve to be evaluated 
in the coming months about what we should do to promote long-term 
security and stability for not only our parents, but the younger 
generation, and secure Social Security, and they all ought to be 
debated. But when we move we ought to move in the context of Social 
Security reform.
    Then, after that's out of the way, we can see what the Treasury 
looks like and what else should be done. But I think we need to deal 
with Social Security first. And I still believe that a majority of 
Members of both Houses in Congress and both parties believe that. I hope 
they do and I hope they'll stick with it.
    Q. Do you have any ideas of how to save it, yourself? I mean----
    The President. Well, sure I do. But as I said in the first forum--
and I think I've been proved right--you see Senator Moynihan's got a 
proposal out there; Senator Kerrey's got a proposal out there; there are 
many proposals that have been offered by various Republican Members of 
the Congress. It is important for me to keep this process going and get 
these ideas out there. And if I were to actually take a position now, it 
would undermine debate and public education and immediately focus on the 
specific piece of legislation, which I think is the worst thing we can 
do.
    We know--every survey of American opinion shows that there's a far 
different level of understanding about this issue today even than there 
was a year ago. Nearly everybody knows that something substantial, 
really substantial, has to be done to reform the Social Security system 
to accommodate the baby boom generation and then, subsequent, the 
generations after that. And yet there is a dramatic difference of 
opinion across the age lines about what exactly should be done and what 
the facts are.
    So we have to--we really need to continue this effort we're making 
in this calendar year to educate the public and to get all the ideas out 
there and to encourage all the proposals to be viewed against the 
backdrop of how it fits into the overall scheme of things. And then I 
think what you'll see is--and what I certainly hope you'll see--is very 
rapid action early next year. I have a plan. We're going to end up in 
December with a conference here. We're going to meet with the leaders of 
both parties in Congress, and I'm going to do my best to hammer out a 
plan, which then will be a centerpiece of what I recommend to the 
American people and the Congress early next year.

International Monetary Fund

    Q. Mr. President, on the Iraqi report at the U.N.----
    Q. May I ask on the U.N. and the IMF, sir? Despite what you said, it 
seems unlikely Congress will pass funding this year. Can you spell out 
in more detail what you think will happen if there's not funding? Do you 
have any other mechanism to give----

[[Page 728]]

    The President. Well, let me just make it clear that Secretary Rubin 
has done a good job, I think, managing a difficult situation. But let's 
just look at Asia, for example. There's been a lot of talk about whether 
the IMF should be active in Asia, what it should be doing. The United 
States has had a good deal of success over the last 5 years by 
exercising economic leadership to open more markets to American products 
and services on terms that were fair not only to ourselves but to our 
trading partners. About a third of our economic growth has come as a 
result of that increase in trade. Just under a third of our exports are 
going to Asia. Now, I think, therefore, it is clear that it is in our 
long-term interest for the IMF to be involved in trying to stabilize 
those Asian economies and help them to recover.
    In our personal interest--how can we expect to be the leader of the 
world and also to benefit, personally, economically, from a system that 
we won't contribute to, and we won't pay our fair share on? I think, 
virtually, every American now believes--or at least a huge majority--
when it comes to the United Nations, that in this interdependent world, 
we should share responsibilities. I think people liked it when we shared 
responsibilities in Haiti, when we shared responsibilities in Bosnia.
    And we're saying to the world, ``Yes, we want to continue to lead 
the world toward peace and freedom. We understand this is an important 
part of our security and our prosperity, but we're having a little 
political spat in the United States, and we don't think we ought to pay 
our dues to the U.N. We think that different rules apply to us, and we 
have a right not to pay our way, so we can have this fight over an issue 
that is unrelated to our U.N. responsibilities or our IMF 
responsibilities.''
    I don't think that is a responsible, mature message to send to the 
world by the leading country in the world. I think that if we want to 
lead, we ought to lead, and we ought to lead by example by paying our 
way. That's what I believe, and I hope that I'll be able to prevail upon 
Congress to make some progress in that direction.
    Thank you.

Note: The President spoke at 1:55 p.m. in the Rose Garden at the White 
House. In his remarks, he referred to President Fernando Cardoso of 
Brazil.


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[Page 728]
 
Monday, May 4, 1998
 
Volume 34--Number 18
Pages 711-754
 
Week Ending Friday, May 1, 1998
 
Memorandum on Ukraine-United States Cooperation on Peaceful Uses of 
Nuclear Energy

April 28, 1998

Presidential Determination No. 98-21

Memorandum for the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Energy

Subject: Presidential Determination on the Proposed Agreement for 
Cooperation Between the United States of America and Ukraine Concerning 
Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy

    I have considered the proposed Agreement for Cooperation Between the 
United States of America and Ukraine Concerning Peaceful Uses of Nuclear 
Energy, along with the views, recommendations, and statements of the 
interested agencies.
    I have determined that the performance of the agreement will 
promote, and will not constitute an unreasonable risk to, the common 
defense and security. Pursuant to section 123 b. of the Atomic Energy 
Act of 1954, as amended (42 U.S.C. 2153(b)), I hereby approve the 
proposed agreement and authorize you to arrange for its execution.
    The Secretary of State is authorized and directed to publish this 
determination in the Federal Register.
                                            William J. Clinton


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[Page 728-729]
 
Monday, May 4, 1998
 
Volume 34--Number 18
Pages 711-754
 
Week Ending Friday, May 1, 1998
 
Message to the Senate Transmitting the Brazil-United States Treaty on 
Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters and Documentation

April 28, 1998

To the Senate of the United States:

    With a view to receiving the advice and consent of the Senate to 
ratification, I transmit herewith the Treaty between the Government of 
the United States of America and the Government of the Federative 
Republic of Brazil on Mutual Legal Assistance in

[[Page 729]]

Criminal Matters, signed at Brasilia on October 14, 1997. I transmit 
also, for the information of the Senate, the report of the Department of 
State with respect to the Treaty.
    The Treaty is one of a series of modern mutual legal assistance 
treaties that the United States is negotiating in order to counter 
criminal activities more effectively. The Treaty should be an effective 
tool to assist in the prosecution of a wide variety of modern criminals, 
including those involved in terrorism, other violent crimes, drug 
trafficking, money laundering, and other ``white-collar'' crime. The 
Treaty is self-executing, and will not require new legislation.
    The Treaty provides for a broad range of cooperation in criminal 
matters. Mutual assistance available under the Treaty includes:
    (1) Locating or identifying persons or items; (2) serving documents; 
(3) taking testimony or statements of persons; (4) transferring persons 
in custody for testimony or other purposes; (5) providing documents, 
records, and items; (6) executing requests for searches and seizures; 
(7) assisting in proceedings related to immobilization and forfeiture of 
assets, restitution, and collection of fines; and (8) any other form of 
assistance not prohibited by the laws of the Requested State.
    I recommend that the Senate give early and favorable consideration 
to the Treaty and give its advice and consent to ratification.
                                            William J. Clinton
The White House,
April 28, 1998.


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[Page 729]
 
Monday, May 4, 1998
 
Volume 34--Number 18
Pages 711-754
 
Week Ending Friday, May 1, 1998
 
Letter to Congressional Leaders on Funding Considerations for the 
Supplemental Appropriations Conference

April 28, 1998

Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. Leader:)

    I am writing with respect to the treatment of International Monetary 
Fund (IMF) and United Nations (UN) funding in the pending supplemental 
appropriations conference.
    I am pleased that both Houses have approved needed funding for 
domestic disaster relief and defense. I urge Congress to approve this 
funding as I requested it, without violating the ``firewalls'' agreed to 
in last year's balanced budget deal or including objectionable 
extraneous measures.
    However, I am deeply concerned that the conference report may not 
include the funding I have requested for the IMF. Delay or failure to 
approve the full IMF requests could undermine our capacity to deal with 
threats to world economic stability and could leave us unable to protect 
American workers, farmers, and businesses in the event of an escalation 
or spread of the Asian financial crisis or a new crisis.
    I am also deeply concerned by the possibility that the conference 
will not include payment of our UN arrears. The failure to provide the 
full request in this bill could jeopardize our chance to affect 
negotiations starting in May on lowering U.S. dues and would undermine 
U.S. leadership in the international community.
    Some would link passage of IMF funding and UN arrears to legislation 
related to international family planning. There are deep convictions on 
both sides of this debate, which should be settled on its own merits--
and not used to sidetrack other legislation on matters vital to our 
nation's well-being.
    I urge you in the strongest possible terms to include the full 
requests for the IMF and UN arrears in the bill now in conference.
    Sincerely,
                                            William J. Clinton

Note: Identical letters were sent to Newt Gingrich, Speaker of the House 
of Representatives; Trent Lott, Senate majority leader; Thomas A. 
Daschle, Senate minority leader; Richard K. Armey, House majority 
leader; and Richard A. Gephardt, House minority leader.


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[Page 729-732]
 
Monday, May 4, 1998
 
Volume 34--Number 18
Pages 711-754
 
Week Ending Friday, May 1, 1998
 
Remarks at a Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Dinner in New York 
City

April 28, 1998

    Thank you very much. Thank you, Shelby and Katherine, for opening 
your beautiful home. I thank all the Senators who are here. I thank 
especially Senator Kerrey and Senator Torricelli. When Bob Torricelli 
goes around the country or Bob Kerrey goes around the country, I know 
they enjoy it, but it still gets hard. [Laughter] It still gets hard.

[[Page 730]]

    All these Senators are here--they're going to go get on a plane and 
go home tonight so they can be there and vote tomorrow. And I thank them 
for doing this on behalf of others, among whom surely are the three 
candidates we have for the Senate in New York tonight. And I thank them 
all for running and for their fidelity to our party and for what they 
have already done for our country. And I thank Judith Hope for her 
leadership.
    I also would be remiss if I didn't thank the people of New York for 
being so good to me and Al Gore. Twenty-five percent of the total 
plurality I received in popular votes in the entire country in 1996 came 
from New York, and I'm very grateful. I was just leaning against the 
wall back there wondering how much better I might have done if I hadn't 
interrupted traffic for 4 years before the election. [Laughter] Truly 
the people here are the epitome of tolerance. One of you tonight 

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