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promise with $1.2 billion in grants to help States and local school
districts begin hiring the first 30,000 well-trained teachers for the
new school year. That means by the time children go back to school this
fall, communities in all 50 States will have more good teachers and
smaller classes in the early grades, where it matters most.
Now we must finish the job. Unfortunately, there are some in
Congress who are backing away from their commitment to reduce class
size. Last year Congress came together across party lines to make this
promise to the American people. They should come together again this
year to keep it. I think a promise made in an election year should be
kept in the years when there are no elections.
So today, again, I call on Congress to put politics aside and put
our children's future first and finish the job of hiring 100,000 highly
trained teachers. We know smaller classes will help them succeed in
school. We know higher quality teaching will help them succeed. We
already have the plan to make it happen if Congress keeps its word.
We've got a chance to use this time of prosperity to improve our
children's education and to help them make the most of their lives. This
isn't a partisan issue anywhere in America; it shouldn't be in
Washington. Schoolchildren get the summer off, but we should make this
summer a season of progress for our children, our schools, and our
future in the new century.
Thanks for listening.
Note: The address was recorded at 6:07 p.m. on June 25 in the Oval
Office at the White House for broadcast at 10:06 a.m. on June 26. The
transcript was made available by the Office of the Press Secretary on
June 25 but was embargoed for release until the broadcast.
<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
[frwais.access.gpo.gov]
[Page 1206-1208]
Monday, July 5, 1999
Volume 35--Number 26
Pages 1189-1273
Week Ending Friday, July 2, 1999
Remarks on Departure for Westport, Connecticut, and an Exchange With
Reporters
June 28, 1999
Midsession Review of the Federal Budget
The President. Good morning. Six years ago we put in place a new
economic strategy for the information age. We put our fiscal house in
order; we invested in our people; we expanded trade in American goods
and services. By making tough decisions, America has reaped rich
rewards. We built the longest peacetime expansion in our history.
[[Page 1207]]
Last week we learned that in the first 3 months of 1999, the economy
grew at a 4.3 percent rate, with very low inflation. With record numbers
of new homes being built, paychecks increasing, hundreds of thousands of
young people getting new help to go to college, new businesses opening
their doors, a surging market on Wall Street, we are truly widening the
circle of opportunity in America.
I'm here to report to the American people on more good news about
our budget. As required by law, my administration is releasing the
midsession review of the budget. Here is what we have found.
When I took office, the National Government had a record deficit of
$290 billion, projected to increase indefinitely. Last year, for the
first time in 29 years, we balanced the budget. In January this year, we
projected a surplus for this year of $79 billion. Today I am pleased to
report that, in fact, the budget surplus for 1999 will be $99 billion,
the largest as a share of our economy since 1951. For next year, we now
project a budget surplus of $142 billion, a surplus of $5 billion not
counting the receipts from Social Security. In fact, improvements in the
outlook since February have added $179 billion to the projected budget
surplus over 5 years, half a trillion over 10 years, and a trillion over
15 years.
Fiscal discipline does bring real results. I want to thank my
economic team for all the work that they have done. Lower interest rates
have led to a boom in business investment, to lower mortgage rates, to
lower credit card rates, to lower student loan rates. Fiscal discipline
has widened opportunity and created hope for all working people in our
country. Now we have a chance to do even more, to use the fruits of our
prosperity today to strengthen our prospects for tomorrow, indeed, for
tomorrows well into the 21st century.
In my State of the Union Address, I set out a plan for how to use
the budget surplus. Today, in light of the unexpectedly large surplus, I
am proposing to build on that budget framework with a new approach that
honors our values, meets our commitments, and makes it possible to reach
bipartisan agreement on a budget for America.
First, we can strengthen our commitment to use the bulk of the
surplus to save Social Security and Medicare and to pay down the
national debt. The new budget numbers mean that we will run a surplus in
the non-Social Security part of the budget, starting next year, much
earlier than previously expected. I am pleased that Republicans and
Democrats in Congress have agreed to use the Social Security surpluses
to reduce the national debt. But we must go forward and achieve an even
stronger lockbox than one proposed by Congress. Social Security taxes
should be saved for Social Security, period. Let's finish the job and
work to extend the solvency of Social Security. I'm encouraged that
Republicans and Democrats on the House Ways and Means Committee are
meeting together to try to accomplish this goal.
Second, our new large surplus will help us to strengthen and
modernize Medicare while providing a prescription drug benefit. Tomorrow
I will reveal the details of my plan to modernize Medicare. The steps I
will propose to use the surplus will increase Medicare's solvency for at
least 25 years. By taking additional measures to increase competition,
combat fraud, and reduce costs, we can provide a new prescription drug
benefit and still pay down our national debt.
Third, our new budget framework will use part of the surplus to
provide substantial tax relief. It will maintain USA accounts, the
largest and most progressive tax incentive ever offered to encourage
savings. USA accounts will allow every American to begin saving from the
first day in the work force, providing more help for those who need it,
giving every American a stake in our shared prosperity.
In addition to the USA accounts, I have proposed tax cuts--targeted
and paid for--for child care, for stay-at-home mothers, for long-term
care, to encourage businesses to invest in poor communities, and to
modernize 6,000 schools. But first things first.
Fourth, we can use this surplus to meet other vital national needs,
such as maintaining military readiness, honoring our veterans,
protecting the environment, promoting health research, farm security,
and other core functions of our Government.
[[Page 1208]]
Beyond this, we have a chance to use the surplus not only to care
for our parents through Social Security and Medicare but to give a
greater chance in life to our young children. So today I am proposing a
new $156 billion children's and education trust fund. This commitment
can enable us to offer Head Start preschool to a million children, to
hire those 100,000 teachers, to provide extra help for a million
children in our poorest communities, to pay for dramatic improvements in
children's health.
And finally, by investing to save Social Security and strengthen
Medicare, my plan now will entirely pay off our national debt. In the 12
years before I took office, reckless fiscal policies quadrupled our
debt, bringing us higher interest rates, higher unemployment, higher
inflation. By balancing the budget we have begun to reduce the debt. But
today our national debt still totals $13,400 for every man, woman, and
child. If we maintain our fiscal discipline, using the surplus to pay
down the debt and using the savings to strengthen Social Security,
America will entirely pay off the national debt by 2015.
If you look at this chart, you will see that we have now cut up
Washington's credit card. Now we can pay off the debt; by 2015, this
country can be entirely out of debt. This is a remarkable milestone, but
it is clearly within reach, if we do not squander the surplus by
choosing short-term gain over long-term national goals.
The surplus is the hard-earned product of our fiscal discipline. We
should use it to prepare for the great challenges facing our country:
caring for our parents, caring for our children, freeing our Nation from
the shackles of debt so that we can have long-term, sustained economic
prosperity.
Keep in mind what this means to ordinary people. If you pay this
debt off, it means interest rates will be lower. It means there will be
more business investment. It means there will be more new jobs. It means
there will be more money left over for higher wages. It means the cost
to families of homes and cars and college educations will be lower.
That's what being out of debt means.
It means the next time there is an international financial crisis,
we will be relatively less vulnerable because we won't have to borrow so
much money, and the poorer countries will be able to borrow more money
at lower interest rates, bringing greater global prosperity and
stability. This is a very significant achievement for our country and
for a more stable and peaceful and prosperous world.
So I hope, very much, to work with Congress in the weeks ahead to
pay off the debt, to finish the work of strengthening Social Security
and Medicare, and to make a real commitment to our children and our
future.
Again, let me thank the national economic team and all others who
have supported these initiatives over the last 6 years. Thank you very
much.
Tax Cuts
Q. Are you open to tax cuts beyond those that you mentioned, Mr.
President?
The President. I think we should achieve these objectives. Within
the framework of achieving these objectives, obviously, I'll be working
with the Congress to achieve them. Thank you.
Arkansas Senate Seat
Q. Do you want to run for Senate from Arkansas? [Laughter]
The President. I think Rubin should run for the Senate from
Arkansas. [Laughter] He's got the best timing of anybody alive.
Note: The President spoke at 8:59 a.m. on the South Lawn at the White
House. In his remarks, he referred to Secretary of the Treasury Robert
E. Rubin.
<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
[frwais.access.gpo.gov]
[Page 1208-1210]
Monday, July 5, 1999
Volume 35--Number 26
Pages 1189-1273
Week Ending Friday, July 2, 1999
Interview With Mark Devenport of the British Broadcasting Corporation in
Westport
June 28, 1999
Northern Ireland Peace Process
Mr. Devenport. Mr. President, it's 2 days to go until the deadline
in Northern Ireland--obviously, a crucial week. The politicians still at
loggerheads, apparently. What is it that you want them to do now in this
make-or-break time?
The President. I want them to remember how strongly the people voted
for peace and for the Good Friday accords and to find an
[[Page 1209]]
honorable resolution of the admittedly thorny problems. Because whatever
the difficulties of going forward, they are very small compared to the
difficulties of letting the peace process fall apart.
Mr. Devenport. Now, you say there are ``thorny problems,'' and that
is the difficulty--and especially the problem of decommissioning. Would
you be urging the Sinn Fein to do what Ulster Unionists are urging Sinn
Fein to do, to namely sign up to a timetable for disarmament and give a
categorical assurance that the IRA will have disarmed completely by May
2000?
The President. I think that all the parties should fully comply with
the terms of the Good Friday accords, and that's what I would say. I
think that they all have to find a way--we know what the problems, the
legitimate problems the Sinn Fein have with the decommissioning issue.
But it's an important part of the Good Friday accords, so there has to
be a resolution of it that enables the leadership of the Unionists--Mr.
Trimble, and the others who have fought for peace--to survive, to
sustain their position, and to go forward and get everybody on their
side to honor the Good Friday accords, too.
They can find a way to do this, if they decide that the price of
failure is far higher than the price of compromise. And I think there's
a good chance they'll do it, even if it's 11th hour, I do.
Mr. Devenport. Well, what about the Ulster Unionists? Their position
has been that there has to be guns handed over, actual hardware, before
Sinn Fein can go into government. Do you think they should be
considering moving ahead on the basis of pledges rather than actually
looking for the armaments?
The President. Well, I believe that on that score, Mr. Trimble is
satisfied in these talks with whatever commitment is made, and I think
they should give it a chance to work.
One thing I would say to the Unionists is that they can always walk
away from this if the commitments aren't made at a later date. And they
should keep in mind--they can bring this down at any time by simply
walking out if the commitments aren't kept. So I think that if Mr.
Trimble can be satisfied, and they can work it through, then I would
hope the Unionists would support him and give him a chance--give this
thing a chance to work.
Mr. Devenport. Now, this political deadline is also coinciding with
the annual deadline that there is in Northern Ireland of the Drumcree
march. As we speak, an announcement on the Drumcree march is imminent.
There are extremely strong indications that the Orangemen won't be
allowed to go down the Catholic section of the Garvaghy Road. How
concerned are you about what the impact of a refusal to let the
Orangemen go down Garvaghy Road could be, both on the streets and on the
political process?
The President. Well, as an outsider, you know, to me this looks like
the most difficult of decisions because it is--there's enormous
emotional content on both sides. It's not just a matter of a lot of
people walking on a certain road. And I think however it is resolved
this year, the most important thing is that the parties themselves try
to find a larger, omnibus resolution for this that reflects the spirit
of the Good Friday accords.
Keep in mind, I mean, the spirit of the Good Friday accords is that
both sides should have respect for and get respect from one another, and
that no one should have to give up his or her heritage or traditions,
but they should be pursued with some sensitivity to how others feel as
well.
So I think that they're in a terrible bind now because the Drumcree
deadline is coming up against the negotiation deadline. And so, however
it's resolved, I think that what the leaders should be thinking about
is, what is the long-run resolution of this? How can we show one another
the necessary respect and sensitivity that will put this marching issue
in the context of the commitment of the Good Friday accords, which is to
push toward reconciliation and equality within the principle of consent?
Mr. Devenport. At the time of the Good Friday agreement, you waited
up through the night in Washington, inside the White House, seeing how
the negotiations were working out. You went on the phone personally and
spoke to the main parties and tried to coax them forward. This week,
with a new deadline, are you willing to do the same, to intervene
personally?
[[Page 1210]]
The President. Oh, absolutely. I'll do what ever I can to help. You
know, this means a lot to me. It means a lot to the American people. We
have tens of millions of Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants who are
deeply invested emotionally, and many of them financially, in Northern
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