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Pages 1115-1139
Week Ending Friday, August 3, 2001
Notice--Continuation of Iraqi Emergency
July 31, 2001
On August 2, 1990, by Executive Order 12722, President Bush declared
a national emergency to deal with the unusual and extraordinary threat
to the national security and foreign policy of the United States
constituted by the actions and policies of the Government of Iraq. By
Executive Orders 12722 of August 2, 1990, and 12724 of August 9, 1990,
the President imposed trade sanctions on Iraq and blocked Iraqi
government assets. Because the Government of Iraq has continued its
activities hostile to United States interests in the Middle East, the
national emergency declared on August 2, 1990, and the measures adopted
on August 2 and August 9, 1990, to deal with that emergency must
continue in effect beyond August 2, 2001. Therefore, in accordance with
section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)), I am
continuing the national emergency with respect to Iraq.
This notice shall be published in the Federal Register and
transmitted to the Congress.
George W. Bush
The White House,
July 31, 2001.
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 11:34 a.m., July 31,
2001]
Note: This notice was published in the Federal Register on August 1.
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Pages 1115-1139
Week Ending Friday, August 3, 2001
Message to the Congress on Continuation of the National Emergency With
Respect to Iraq
July 31, 2001
To the Congress of the United States:
Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d))
provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency unless,
prior to the anniversary date of its declaration, the President
publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice
stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the
anniversary date. In accordance with this provision, I have sent the
enclosed notice, stating that the Iraqi emergency is to continue in
effect beyond August 2, 2001, to the Federal Register for publication.
The crisis between the United States and Iraq that led to the
declaration on August 2, 1990, of a national emergency has not been
resolved. The Government of Iraq continues to engage in activities
inimical to stability in the Middle East and hostile to United States
interests in the region. Such Iraqi actions pose a continuing, unusual,
and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of
the United States. For these reasons, I have determined that it is
necessary to maintain in force the broad authorities necessary to apply
economic pressure on the Government of Iraq.
George W. Bush
The White House,
July 31, 2001.
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Pages 1115-1139
Week Ending Friday, August 3, 2001
Message to the Congress Transmitting a Report on the National Emergency
With Respect to Iraq
July 31, 2001
To the Congress of the United States:
As required by section 401(c) of the National Emergencies Act, 50
U.S.C. 1641(c), and section 204(c) of the International Emergency
Economic Powers Act, 50 U.S.C. 1703(c), I transmit herewith a 6-month
report on the national emergency with respect to Iraq that was declared
in Executive Order 12722 of August 2, 1990.
George W. Bush
The White House,
July 31, 2001.
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Week Ending Friday, August 3, 2001
Remarks to the National Urban League Conference
August 1, 2001
Thank you all very much. Well, Hugh, thank you very much. I'm
honored to be introduced by such a good man, and an important leader for
our country.
I want to thank the leadership of the National Urban League for
inviting me. For those of you who don't live here, I welcome you to the
Nation's Capital. You've come here to hold America to its founding
promises of justice and opportunity. There are many items on that
agenda, from economic empowerment, election reform to criminal justice
reform. Right before we came in the hall I had the opportunity to visit
with this organization's fine leadership, and my pledge to them and my
pledge to you is, I'll work together with you to do what's right for
America.
Here in Washington we are reaching a moment of decision on one
issue, an issue that is urgent in every urban neighborhood, the issue of
education. So this morning, among the Nation's most influential urban
leaders, I want to speak about the essential choices facing our Congress
and our country when it comes to the reform of our public schools.
Again, I thank my friend Hugh Price for the invitation. I thank him
for his diligence. I thank him for his leadership. I want to thank Ken
Lewis, as well. I appreciate so very much Leland Brendsel. I want to
thank Ken Blackwell, the secretary of state of Ohio, and Joe Rogers, the
Lieutenant Governor of Colorado, who are here. I appreciate so very much
the Secretary of Education, Rod Paige, serving our Nation.
You know, when it came to picking the Secretary of Education, I
didn't--wasn't interested in picking a theorist or a philosopher; I was
interested in picking a doer. And this man has successfully run the
Houston Independent School District. He raised the standards, challenged
the status quo when there's failure. That's what he and I are both going
to do now that we're in Washington, DC.
I also appreciate so very much Larry Thompson, the Deputy Attorney
General, for joining us, as well. Thank you, Larry. Where are you,
Larry? Somewhere out there.
The men and women of the Urban League know how important our schools
are, how much good they can do in the life of a child, and how much is
lost when they fail. You've seen both. The mission of the National Urban
League is to secure economic self-reliance, parity, power, and civil
rights.
And successful schools have always been central to that mission. An
equal society begins with in equally excellent schools. But we know our
schools today are not equal. The failure of many urban schools is a
great and continuing scandal. Rarely in American history have we faced a
problem so serious and destructive on which change has come so slowly.
The most basic educational skill is reading. The most basic
obligation of any school is to teach reading. Yet, earlier this year, we
found that almost two-thirds of African-American children in the fourth
grade cannot read at basic grade level. For white children, that figure
is 27 percent. The gap is wide and troubling, and it's not getting any
better. That gap leads to personal tragedy and social injustice. In
America literacy is liberation, and we must set all our children free.
The ability to read is what turns a child into a student. First we
learn to read, and then we read to learn. When this skill is not taught,
a child has not failed the system; the
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system has failed the child. And that child is often put on a path of
frustration and broken confidence.
For too long, many schools have been content to blame their failure
on parents, on poverty, on circumstances beyond their control. Year
after year, children without schools are passed along in schools without
standards. Some see this social promotion as an act of compassion. It
is, in fact, a form of discrimination, the soft bigotry of low
expectations. That bigotry has young casualties, and that bigotry must
end.
Listen to the experience of one young girl from New York. She said,
``In the fifth grade I missed maybe 90 days of school, and they passed
me with no problem. In the sixth grade I missed maybe 100 days, and they
passed me with no problem. I don't even remember taking the exam,'' she
said. ``They just kept passing me along. I ended up dropping out in the
seventh grade. I basically felt that no one cared.''
That young woman learned one lesson in school: No one cared. At
least no one who could help. Millions of children carry that same lesson
throughout their lives, and we owe them better. We owe all our children
the pride and promise of learning. We must return the spirit of ambition
and achievement to all our public schools.
The Urban League is reaching toward that goal by highlighting
student achievement, by focusing on early literacy, by encouraging every
child to read and rise. And our Government must have those same
priorities.
Education is a local responsibility; yet, improving our public
schools is a national goal. And all of us must do our part.
For nearly 40 years, our Federal Government has tried to improve
education with money alone. We invested $158 billion in title I
programs, with great intentions and no measurable result. We've been
pumping gas into a flooded engine. Just as faith without works is dead,
money without reform is fruitless.
Yet, today, after decades of frustration, we're on the verge of
dramatic reform. Schools must have the resources they need, and I
support more spending. Local folks must be in charge of local schools,
because they're closest to the children and their challenges. But most
of all, we need true accountability, the center piece of reform.
Consequences for school officials must be determined by proven results
for children. Those in authority must show responsibility. The purpose
of education, after all, is not jobs for adults; it's learning for
students.
Accountability is an exercise in hope. When we raise academic
standards, children raise their academic sights. When children are
regularly tested, teachers know where and how to improve. When scores
are known to parents, parents are empowered to push for change. When
accountability for our schools is real, the results for our children are
real.
I know this because I've seen it. In Texas, when we first introduced
accountability measures, only 56 percent of African-Americans fourth
graders could pass our State reading test. Today, 83 percent of those
students pass the tests. African-American eighth graders in Texas are
writing better than their peers in any other State.
Our Texas State tests require and measure progress amongst every
minority group. And the great news is, we've gotten progress amongst
every group in Texas. We saw, supposedly, hopeless schools make major
progress. We saw students who had been written off find the self-esteem
of real accomplishment.
We saw how determined reform can confound the cynics and the
skeptics. Accountability can work in all of America. And our Federal
Government must take the side of meaningful reform. Our Government must
speak for disadvantaged children who are often overlooked and
underestimated.
I'm an activist for high standards. I'm an activist for
accountability. My administration has set a great goal. We will lift the
load of low expectations so that all children will rise. The United
States Congress now shares this goal. Our plan passed both the House and
the Senate with big bipartisan majorities. Our national debate has come
a long way. But in the short distance we have left, there are some vital
decisions to be made.
Our landmark education reform is now in what they call a conference
committee. We're coming down to the wire. We've got
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to finish strong and make sure the accountability measures are right.
So today I'm urging the Congress to act quickly and to act wisely on
three major issues. First, we must begin where the need is greatest and
focus on the lowest performing schools. The bar for adequate school
performance must be rigorous, achievable, targeted to all groups, and
raised gradually.
No one should ask that all our goals be met overnight. These goals
must be met over time. If, after 3 years, nothing changes for students
in a failing school, their parents must be given other options, like a
transfer to a better public school or private tutoring.
Now, it's well known I would have preferred those options to include
funds to attend a private school. Many in Congress, unfortunately,
disagreed. Yet, we all agree that schools which persistently fail must
be radically restructured.
Some of my allies in reform want to require dramatically improved
performance--immediately, everywhere. I appreciate aiming high, but
setting impossible expectations means setting no expectations. The
undoable never gets done. If we identify all schools as failures, we
won't be able to focus on the greatest needs. If goals are unrealistic,
teachers will become discouraged instead of challenged, harassed instead
of inspired. By confronting the worst problems, we direct our energies
and send a message of reform heard throughout the entire system.
Second, States must choose their own tests. But within a State,
those tests must be comparable from place to place and year to year.
Right now, a State and its districts can use different tests, and that's
okay by me. But there has to be a way to compare the results of those
tests to one another. If State accountability systems count easy tests
from some districts and hard tests from others without a method to
compare them, parents won't really know who's making progress and who's
falling behind. Unless there's a fair and consistent measurement among
schools, there can be no accountability.
Thirdly, we must have independent evidence that State tests are
rigorous and State tests are real. Fortunately, we already have a proven
way to get the independent evidence we need, the National Assessment of
Educational Progress or the NAEP. NAEP is not new. Over 40 States now
participate. It's not a national test, and we certainly don't need one.
But we do need a national report card, and NAEP serves that purpose. We
need an objective check on State accountability systems, so we need the
NAEP for every State.
You know, not long ago, accountability was controversial. Today, the
concept is widely shared. But to make a difference in the lives of
children, it must be more than a concept. Accountability must be tough,
yet realistic and workable. The Congress has some work to do before we
reach that goal, and the time is running short.
We're now in August. In 35 days, school starts in New York City; 34
days, schools open in Oakland, California. In Kansas City, Missouri,
children report for class in 26 days. Principals and teachers need to
make their plans for changes that will come immediately and for changes
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