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    The second thing I'd like to say about stiffening the penalties is I 
know many of you have included versions of the ``three strikes

[[Page 172]]

and you're out'' in your own legislative programs. I believe Washington 
State even had a referendum on the issue. I would just like to urge that 
we be both tough and smart on this issue. We know that a small number of 
people commit a significant number of the truly violent crimes and are 
highly likely to be repeat offenders. If, therefore, this law is drawn 
properly, it will affect a small percentage of the prison population at 
the Federal level and a somewhat larger percentage at the State level. 
But you actually will be keeping people in prison who will be 
overwhelmingly likely to commit a serious violent crime if they get out.
    I think it is important not to make these provisions too overbroad 
to undermine the flexibility that people at the State and at the local 
level need to run their criminal justice systems and, at the same time, 
to keep people off the street who are involved in crimes like the 
terrible tragedy involving Polly Klaas.
    So I want to invite you not only to do whatever you were doing at 
the State level but to be involved with us here as we work through this 
crime bill to make sure that it is well-drawn, well-drafted, and 
achieves the objectives it is designed to achieve.
    The third thing I'd like to say is there are a number of other 
things in the crime bill which I think are worthy of your attention. 
There's the provision which bans possession of handguns by minors except 
in limited circumstances, which many of you have already done at the 
State level. There is the ban on several assault weapons. There are 
funds for alternative incarceration, like boot camps, and for drug 
treatment. And of course, there are significant funds, which I heard you 
all discussing yesterday in the committee chaired by Governor Wilson, 
about jails and Federal funds for jails. I heard the discussion on 
television yesterday. I think you need to have a committee that works 
with us on it to make sure that it makes sense to you. Many times I 
think things come up in the context of crime here in Washington which 
sound good here but which may or may not make sense out there on the 
front lines of the fight against crime. So I want to invite you all to 
be a part of that.
    Just one other thing I'd like to say. In addition to the focus on 
the crime bill this morning, I'm obviously open to any questions or 
comments you want to have about the other areas of our partnership, on 
welfare reform, health care reform, what we're going to do on the 
budget, which will be a very tough budget, difficult for us, difficult 
for you. And Mr. Panetta is here. We have tried to be good partners. 
We've granted 5 comprehensive health care waivers, 90 smaller waivers in 
the health care area, 7 welfare reform waivers already. We have tried to 
make good on our commitment to push through a new partnership with the 
States. And I think that you will find that we'll continue to do that 
and we're eager to do it.
    But the first major thing that will happen in this legislative 
session is, in closing, the crime bill. After we pass the education 
bills--I think that Secretary Riley is in pretty good shape with Goals 
2000 and the school-to-work transition. But then the next thing that 
will come up is the crime bill. Then we'll go to the other measures I 
mentioned. And I really look forward to working with you on them.
    I ask you for your help. I asked the mayors, and I will ask you to 
put together a bipartisan committee to come up here to work with us, to 
be willing to lobby with us, and to help us pass a bill that is tough 
and smart.
    Thank you.

Note: The President spoke at 10:03 a.m. in the East Room at the White 
House. In his remarks, he referred to Gov. Carroll A. Campbell, Jr., of 
South Carolina; Gov. Howard Dean of Vermont; and Gov. Pete Wilson of 
California.


<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
 [frwais.access.gpo.gov]


[Page 172-173]
 
Monday, February 7, 1994
 
Volume 30--Number 5
Pages 167-215
 
Week Ending Friday, February 4, 1994
 
Exchange With Reporters Prior to Discussions With Chancellor Helmut Kohl 
of Germany

January 31, 1994

Interest Rates

    Q. Mr. President, do you agree with Chairman Greenspan's comments 
this morning that interest rates need to be raised to get ahead of 
inflation?
    The President. Well, I agree that there's no evidence that inflation 
is coming back into the economy. There is still a kind of a gap between 
short- and long-term rates, so it may be that--if they make that 
decision on short- 

[[Page 173]]

term rates, what I hope is that it won't raise long-term rates, because 
there's no need to do it. And I hope that the stock market won't take an 
adverse view because we've still got good, strong growth in this 
economy.
    But we want to manage it with real discipline, that is we don't want 
to have one of these roller coaster things. We want the economy to grow 
in a very stable, solid way. And obviously, low interest rates are 
critical to that. I consider that part of the kind of compact we've all 
made where we'll continue to reduce the deficit, and we've got to keep 
inflation down and interest rates down so that people can afford to 
borrow money and invest.

Sinn Fein Leader Gerry Adams

    Q. How does letting Gerry Adams into the U.S. advance the cause of 
peace?
    The President. Well, we hope it will advance the cause of peace. You 
know, that's a very thorny problem. But his comments over the last 
several days on the questions of violence and the joint declaration, I 
thought, justified not a general visa but a very narrow visa for the 
purpose of coming to this conference in the hope that it will advance 
the peace process. Ultimately, of course, that's an issue that's going 
to have to be worked out by the parties themselves, as all these matters 
do. But I thought it was the appropriate thing to do for those reasons, 
because of what he said and because he's in a position, I think, to push 
this process forward.

White House Press Corps

    Q. Have you been sneaking out on us?
    The President. No. I was amazed when I read that. We tried to 
remember if that happened. I don't think so. George and I couldn't think 
of a time.
    Q. You're always willing to take us with you?
    The President. You know, once I went running when the press had gone 
home, but I think they found me before it was over. And then when I was 
home for my mother's funeral, I went out in the town there and went to 
my old high school, but the press found me. I don't think we have. We 
were trying to think of--we can't--we've not been successful in thinking 
of five or six instances in which that has occurred. I saw the story. 
All I know is what I read this morning, but I'm not aware of it.
    Q. Do you feel cloistered in here, Mr. President?
    The President. Oh yes, I do. I mean, I wish it weren't so. And as 
far as I know, no other--maybe President Bush had these same sort of 
understandings where the press went everywhere but--I take a pool when I 
go to a Christmas party. Hillary and I went to Christmas parties; we 
took the pool with us.
    Q. And we enjoyed it.
    The President. You do enjoy it? Did somebody say that? [Laughter] I 
don't believe that. A lot of times you'd like to dump me.

[At this point one group of reporters left the room, and another group 
entered.]

Discussions With Chancellor Kohl

    Q. Mr. President, are you going to discuss the Bosnia situation with 
the Chancellor?
    The President. I'm sure we will.
    Q. What will you----
    The President. I want to talk to him about it.
    Q. Are you looking forward to the restaurant, Filomena's, Mr. 
President?
    The President. Oh, yes. You know, he told me about it, and so I went 
there. I took my family and some friends, and we had a wonderful dinner 
there. And I would not have even known about it if Chancellor Kohl 
hadn't mentioned it. So I told the people when I was there that the next 
time he came, perhaps we would both come together.
    Chancellor Kohl. And we'll do that today.
    Q. Will there be--[inaudible]--for Russia today?
    The President. We might discuss Russia.

Note: The exchange began at 12:10 p.m. in the Oval Office at the White 
House. During the exchange, the President referred to Senior Policy 
Adviser George Stephanopoulos. A tape was not available for verification 
of the content of this exchange.

[[Page 174]]


<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
 [frwais.access.gpo.gov]


[Page 174-176]
 
Monday, February 7, 1994
 
Volume 30--Number 5
Pages 167-215
 
Week Ending Friday, February 4, 1994
 
Letter to Congressional Leaders on Iraq

January 31, 1994

Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. President:)

    Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my effort to keep the 
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to 
obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N. 
Security Council.
    The U.N. Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM) and the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) have effectively put the Iraqi nuclear 
weapons program out of business in the near term. The United Nations has 
destroyed Iraqi missile launchers, support facilities, and a good deal 
of Iraq's indigenous capability to manufacture prohibited missiles. It 
has reduced Iraq's ability to produce chemical weapons; UNSCOM teams 
continue to inventory and destroy chemical munitions. The United Nations 
has inspected, and will monitor, several facilities identified by Iraq 
as capable of supporting a biological weapons program.
    Iraq's formal acceptance of UNSCR 715 (long-term monitoring) in 
November was an important step, although long overdue. It is necessary 
to ensure that Iraq does not break its promise on long-term monitoring 
as it has many times in the past on other commitments. Continued 
vigilance is necessary because we believe that Saddam Hussein is 
committed to rebuilding his weapons of mass destruction (WMD) 
capability, especially nuclear weapons. We also remain seriously 
concerned about the many contradictions and unanswered questions 
remaining in regard to Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capability. It 
is therefore extremely important that the international community 
continue its efforts to establish the long-term monitoring regime 
required by U.N. Security Council Resolution 715. Although Iraq has said 
that it is ready to comply with that Resolution, it still must take 
significant steps, including the provision of new data about the 
suppliers of its WMD program and acceptance on the ground of a 
functioning monitoring program for a sustained period. Iraq has provided 
some further data on suppliers which is still being evaluated by UNSCOM.
    Rolf Ekeus, the Chairman of UNSCOM, has told Iraq that it must 
establish a clear track record of compliance before he can report 
favorably to the Security Council. We strongly endorse this approach and 
reject any establishment of a timetable for determining whether Iraq has 
complied with Resolution 715. There must be a sustained period of 
unquestionable, complete compliance with the monitoring plans.
    The ``no-fly zones'' over northern and southern Iraq permit the 
monitoring of Iraq's compliance with Security Council Resolutions 687 
and 688. Over the last 2 years, the northern no-fly zone has deterred 
Iraq from a major military offensive in the region. Since the no-fly 
zone was established in southern Iraq, Iraq's use of aircraft against 
its population in the region has stopped. However, Iraqi forces have 
responded to the no-fly zone by stepping up their use of land-based 
artillery to shell marsh villages.
    The U.N. Special Rapporteur on Iraq, Max van der Stoel, published a 
report in November describing the Iraqi military's ongoing repression 
against civilian populations in the marshes. The Rapporteur has judged 
that Iraq is in violation of UNSCR 688, which demands that Iraq cease 
repression of its civilian population and allow immediate access by 
international humanitarian organizations to all those in need of 
assistance in all parts of Iraq. On January 4, the United States--along 
with the Governments of France, Russia, and the United Kingdom--
presented a demarche to the Iraqi government strongly condemning its 
repression of the Iraqi people.
    The United States is working closely with the United Nations and 
other organizations to provide humanitarian relief to the people of 
northern Iraq, in the face of Iraqi government efforts to disrupt this 
assistance. We have provided temporary generators and spare parts to 
preserve supplies of electricity in the region since the Iraqi 
government cut off power on August 5, 1993. We continue to support U.N. 
efforts to mount a relief program for persons in Baghdad and the South, 
provided that supplies are not diverted by the Iraqi government. We are 
continuing to

[[Page 175]]

work toward the placement of human rights monitors for Iraq as proposed 
by the U.N. Special Rapporteur, and to support the establishment of a 
U.N. commission to investigate and publicize iraqi war crimes and other 
violations of international humanitarian law.
    On January 18, after a review of Iraqi compliance with Security 
Council resolutions, the President of the Security Council issued a 
statement noting that there was no consensus to modify the existing 
sanctions regime. That regime exempts medicine and, in the case of 
foodstuffs, requires only that the U.N. Sanctions Committee be notified 
of food shipments. The Sanctions Committee also continues to consider 
and, when appropriate, approve requests to send to Iraq materials and 
supplies for essential civilian needs. The Iraqi government, in 
contrast, has maintained a full embargo against its northern provinces 
and has acted to distribute humanitarian supplies only to its supporters 
and to the military.
    The Iraqi government has so far refused to sell $1.6 billion in oil 
as previously authorized by the Security Council in Resolutions 706 and 
712. Talks between Iraq and the United Nations on implementing these 
resolutions have ended unsuccessfully. Iraq could use proceeds from such 
sales to purchase foodstuffs, medicines, materials, and supplies for 
essential civilian needs of its population, subject to U.N. monitoring 
of sales and the equitable distribution of humanitarian supplies 
(including to its northern provinces). Iraqi authorities bear full 
responsibility for any suffering in Iraq that results from their refusal 
to implement Resolutions 706 and 712.
    Proceeds from oil sales also would be used to compensate persons 
injured by Iraq's unlawful invasion and occupation of Kuwait. The U.N. 
Compensation Commission has received about two million claims so far, 
with another 500,000 expected. The U.S. Government has now filed a total 
of eight sets of individual claims with the Commission, bringing U.S. 
claims filed to roughly 3,000 with a total asserted value of over $205 
million. At a meeting on January 13, the Commission's Government Council 
continued discussions on how to allocate future funds among different 
claimants but did not make any decisions. Meanwhile, a panel of 
commissioners began to work on the first set of individual claims for 

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