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serious personal injury or death. The panel is expected to report its
findings to the Governing Council in the spring.
Security Council Resolution 778 permits the use of a portion of
frozen Iraqi oil assets to fund critical U.N. activities concerning
Iraq, including humanitarian relief, UNSCOM, and the Compensation
Commission. (The funds will be repaid, with interest, from Iraqi oil
revenues as soon as Iraqi oil exports resume.) The United States is
prepared to transfer up to $200 million in frozen Iraqi oil assets held
in U.S. financial institutions, provided that U.S. contributions do not
exceed 50 percent of the total amount contributed. We have arranged a
total of about $107 million in such matching contributions thus far.
Iraq still has not met its obligations concerning Kuwaitis and
third-country nationals it detained during the war. Iraq has taken no
substantive steps to cooperate fully with the International Committee of
the Red Cross (ICRC), as required by Security Council Resolution 687,
although it has received more than 600 files on missing individuals. We
continue to work for Iraqi compliance.
The Iraq-Kuwait border has been demarcated, and the U.N. Iraq-Kuwait
Observer Mission (UNIKOM) continues its monitoring mission. However, the
Iraqi government continues to refer publicly to Kuwait as a ``province''
and ``governorate'' of Iraq.
Examples of Iraqi noncooperation and noncompliance continue in other
areas. For instance, on December 22, Iraqi military forces attacked a
four-vehicle coalition military convoy near the Faydah checkpoint. This
was the first time Iraqi forces have fired directly on coalition forces
since the Gulf War. We, along with the British and the French, issued a
demarche to the Iraqi government, warning Baghdad that a repetition of
the incident would have consequences.
Iraq can rejoin the community of civilized nations only through
democratic processes, respect for human rights, equal treatment of its
people, and adherence to basic norms of international behavior. Iraq's
Government
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should represent all Iraq's people and be committed to the territorial
integrity and unity of Iraq. The Iraqi National Congress (INC) espouses
these goals, the fulfillment of which would make Iraq a stabilizing
force in the Gulf region.
I am grateful for the support by the Congress of our efforts.
Sincerely,
William J. Clinton
Note: Identical letters were sent to Thomas S. Foley, Speaker of the
House of Representatives, and Robert C. Byrd, President pro tempore of
the Senate.
<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
[frwais.access.gpo.gov]
[Page 176]
Monday, February 7, 1994
Volume 30--Number 5
Pages 167-215
Week Ending Friday, February 4, 1994
Nomination for Ambassadors to Hungary, Micronesia, and Azerbaijan
January 31, 1994
The President today announced his intention to nominate three United
States Ambassadors: Donald M. Blinken to the Republic of Hungary, March
Fong Eu to the Federated States of Micronesia, and Richard Dale
Kauzlarich to the Republic of Azerbaijan.
``Donald Blinken, March Fong Eu, and Richard Kauzlarich have all
proven themselves to be dedicated to public service and capable of
achievement at the highest levels,'' said the President. ``I expect that
they will do an outstanding job of representing our country abroad.''
Note: Biographies of the nominees were made available by the Office of
the Press Secretary.
<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
[frwais.access.gpo.gov]
[Page 176-180]
Monday, February 7, 1994
Volume 30--Number 5
Pages 167-215
Week Ending Friday, February 4, 1994
Remarks to the American Hospital Association
February 1, 1994
Thank you very much. Thank you, Dick, and thank you, Carolyn. And
thank you also for bringing my tea out here. The Hospital Association is
giving care to the President for his sick voice today. [Laughter] I
thank you.
I appreciate so much what both Dick and Carolyn said, and I want to
begin by thanking all of you here who have ever had me in your
hospitals--[laughter]--which is a large number of people. Especially all
the people who represent my native State and who have done so much to
help educate me on these issues over the years.
The time that I have spent in hospitals since I was a small boy has
made a very big impression on me. I always learn something. I always
leave with a sense of inspiration about the dedication of the people who
work there. And I want to say a special word of thanks to this
association for the work that you have done with our administration over
the last year, in a very constructive way, in helping us to try to
develop an approach which would solve the problems of the American
health care system and protect and enhance what is good about it.
I know that there will still be some issues on which there will be
disagreement as we go forward, but I think it's important that we
clarify today, as Dick did so well in his introduction, that we agree on
the most important issue: We have to preserve what is right; we have to
fix what is wrong; we have to guarantee private insurance to every
American so that everybody will be covered. That is the only way to stop
cost shifting, the only way to be fair, the only way to solve this
problem.
The problem with the health care system in this country did not just
happen overnight. It happened because of the way this system is
organized. Anybody who thinks there are no serious problems, no crisis
in the health care system, I would say go visit your local hospital.
Over the years, because of the insurance system we have in America,
which is unlike any in the world and which, I will say, is irrelevant to
the fact that we have the highest quality care in the world for the
people who can afford it and access it, we have created a system which
often makes it impossible for hospitals to do their jobs. While
insurance companies have set up a system which enables them to slam the
door on people who aren't healthy enough to get covered, hospitals open
the door to everyone, whether they're covered or not.
We have created in this country, through the systems of hundreds of
different insurance companies writing thousands of different policies, a
giant bureaucracy which on
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the insurance side sorts the healthy from the sick, the old from the
young, the geographically desirable from the undesirable. And as more
and more insurance companies sell more and more customized insurance
policies to smaller and smaller groups, each of them has created its own
set of forms and different sets of what would cover, spelled out in
endless fine print. The result, as all of you know, has been a
bureaucratic nightmare.
And what about the hospitals? You have had to create your own
bureaucracy to deal with the insurance bureaucracy and the Government's
as well, to fight redtape, close loopholes, and to try to get reimbursed
somehow. And that only covers the patients who have good insurance. For
those without insurance or with barebone coverage, you're forced to jump
through a whole lot of other hoops. And you probably still often don't
get any reimbursement.
Hospitals did not invent this system. You didn't choose a system
which has resulted in hospitals hiring clerical workers at 4 times the
rate of doctors being added to hospital staffs in the last 10 years. You
did it because of the redtape of the present system, the insurance
redtape and the Government program redtape.
Meanwhile, your mission didn't change, it's still to treat the
people who are sick who need to be in the hospital. Regardless of their
age or medical history, of what may or may not be covered, you have to
deal with the people that the insurance industry decides are not
profitable. You can't ask whether an illness was a preexisting
condition, it's still an illness.
So what are we left with today? A system where we're ruled by forms
and have less time to make people healthy. A system that forces doctors
and nurses and clerical workers in hospitals to write out the same
information six times in six different ways just to satisfy some distant
company or agency. It doesn't make sense, and you shouldn't have to put
up with it anymore.
Just listen to Joan Brown, a registered nurse who works at a
teaching hospital in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. She wrote to the First
Lady that she spends, and I quote, ``more time with paperwork than with
any other aspect of health care.'' They've got a joke at her hospital,
she said, ``We'll do the patient care after we finish the paperwork, if
we have time.'' It's not just a joke; it's a sign of a crisis and one
we've got to do something about.
I visited Children's Hospital here in Washington last year. The
pediatrician, who is from this community and who has dedicated her life
to the children of this community, told me she spends up to 25 hours a
week filling out forms instead of tending sick children. ``It's not what
we trained all these years to do,'' she said. ``Reducing paperwork would
enable me to practice medicine again. It would free me,'' she said,
``free me from the shackles and the burdens of the paperwork maze.''
Let's be honest. In his wildest dreams, Rube Goldberg could never
have designed a system more complex than the present health care system.
You in this room understand this better than anyone else in the world
today. You see the crisis when people without insurance come to
emergency rooms with serious injuries or illnesses. Many of those
illnesses could have been prevented if only they had been covered and
had access to a doctor, to primary and preventive care. The emergency
room is the most expensive place to treat people. It should be reserved
for emergencies. I know you believe that, and you can make sure it
happened if everybody had access to health care coverage.
You see the crisis when people come in who aren't fully insured, and
you become loaded up with what's called uncompensated care. The smallest
estimate of that is $25 billion a year. It either comes out of your
budgets, which hurts your ability to provide health care at a high
quality, or you have to shift the cost on to the bills of those who can
pay them.
A lot of people who complain about hospitals overcharging, about
inflated bills, have no idea how much of this cost shifting occurs
simply because of the insurance setup that we have in the United States.
No other country in the world is burdened with it. And we should not
tolerate it any longer.
You also see it because a lot of the people who come to you, either
before they come or sometime during their treatment, deal
[[Page 178]]
with the problems of preexisting conditions or lifetime limits on
insurance policies. Three out of four policies have such lifetime
limits. I know a lot of times you wind up having to send a collection
company after a patient that you know is not going to be able to pay the
bill anyway because of these problems.
You see this crisis when a doctor prescribes prescription drugs, but
then a person comes back to the hospital 3 or 4 weeks later because she
couldn't afford to fill the prescription. So the illness got worse. One
study says that problems related to the lack of appropriate medication
lie at the root of up to 25 percent of all hospitalizations and cost
over $21 billion a year. Our plan is the only one that takes account of
this and covers prescription drugs along with other medical services.
You see it with the crisis of violence in the emergency room. We
have to learn to treat violence as a public health problem. Billions of
dollars a year again are loaded onto the health care system because we
are the most violent country in the world. Many people in health care
supported the Brady bill, support our attempts to restrict assault
weapons, to put more police officers on the street. That also will help
alleviate the health care problem. So I hope you'll be out there after
we deal with this the best we can, also supporting what the
administration is trying to do on crime.
I came here today once again to thank you for the work you have done
with us and to appeal once again for your support, for the real battle
is now being joined in Congress. And though we may disagree about the
details, we all agree the time has come to do something. We have to do
it now. And what we have to do includes providing guaranteed private
insurance to every single American. That is what I need your help to do.
I implore you to go to Capitol Hill and tell your Members of
Congress again what is going on in your hospitals. Go home and talk to
your friends and neighbors about it and the people who come in to your
hospitals. Talk to business leaders in your communities and local media
people.
One of the biggest problems we have in this fight today is that this
issue is so complex and people are naturally enough so concerned that
they don't want to lose anything good that they have now, that it is
easy to confuse people about what the real issues and the real facts
are.
I love having a discussion with your representatives, even if there
is some disagreement around the edges of policy. We come to the table
with an accumulated knowledge of how the world really works. Our biggest
problem in passing this is that there are too many people even in the
Congress who have not had the opportunity to study this program in all
of its complexity. This is a tough, tough issue. And as I could tell
from your applause, you know that the most complex system that could
ever be designed is not the one in the administration's bill, it's the
one you're living with right now.
Our approach is not to tell you how to deliver health care, not to
build barriers or bureaucracy. What we want to do is to establish a
framework in which people are covered, provide the right incentives,
help to remove the barriers to access, and get out of the way. We agree
that local community-care networks must be the center of any reform
system, groups of providers who see their mission as keeping people
well, treating the sick when they are sick, and having the right
incentives to do exactly that. We need to look no further than your own
NOVA award winners for examples of providers who come together and make
collaboration work.
One example, the Health Partners of Philadelphia, where six urban
teaching hospitals came together and worked together to deal with
violence and drugs and teen pregnancy in one community--this is a very
moving sort of thing. This can be done throughout America. And we could
do more of it if we covered everybody. It would lower the cost to the
overall health care system if we did it, because we could practice
prevention, we could give more primary care. The system as a whole would
be less burdened, and we could have more networks like the one in
Philadelphia you have honored.
I know that many of you are already finding incredibly creative ways
to serve your community and are forming these networks. That approach
will be quite consistent with the administration's approach. We helped
to do that with clear incentives for people to
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join together in networks and guarantees that when they do there will be
compensation there for the services that are provided. And we agree that
reform must simplify the system for you by reducing the paperwork
burden. There's no excuse for not having a single standard form to
replace the thousands of forms that exist today. And we want to help you
move forward; electronic billing, less regulation by the Government, and
other ways to help get rid of some of this paperwork hassle. I am tired
of trying to explain why we spend a dime on the dollar more on
paperwork, regulation, and premiums than any other country in the world
and we still don't even cover everybody. It cannot be explained, so it
should be changed.
And I want you to help me do something else, too, when you go up to
Congress. Ask every Member of Congress, the next time somebody comes to
them and says, ``What we really ought to do is tax the benefits, the
health care benefits of middle class working people,'' say, ``Well,
before you tax the benefits of working people whose wages have been
stagnant for 20 years, why don't you ask how we can justify spending a
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