pd08mr99 The President's News Conference With Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema of...

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That means--and again, I was glad to hear Michael Saylor, who told that 
astonishing story of his company starting with $132 and winding up with 
1,000 employees and hundreds of millions of dollars of wealth that have 
been created. You remember what he said? He said what they need from 
Government is a responsible set of rational decisions that keep interest 
rates low and the economy strong. That is the most important thing. And 
if we do this, we will drive down interest rates for the next 15 to 20 
years. We could actually have our country completely out of debt, under 
this policy, in 18 years. And in a world in which the economy of other 
countries is obviously troubled at the moment and in which future events 
are not predictable, we know one thing for sure: If we pay down this 
debt and things are troubled beyond our borders, we'll do a lot better 
and interest rates will be a lot lower than they otherwise would have 
been. If things go well in the global economy, because of our efforts 
and others, we will do even better than we otherwise would have done.
    And we know that the success of the American economy has reinforced 
the budget decisions made in 1993. We have got to keep this going. So I 
say, take care of Social Security; take care of Medicare; pay down the 
debt; keep the economy going. These things are the most important things 
we can do for our children in the 21st century.
    Now, let me say where I think we are now. I have, frankly, been 
gratified to see the Republican leaders have quickly joined us in 
supporting the first idea, dedicating 62 percent of the surplus to save 
Social Security. At least, I believe the word they used was ``setting 
aside'' 62 percent of the surplus, and I'll come back to that in a 
moment. I've been further encouraged to see some of the Republicans 
backing away from the irresponsible across-the-board tax cut that is too 
costly, in favor of standing with us for targeted tax cuts benefiting 
mostly middle-class working families.
    Last week the majority leaders in Congress actually placed an ad in 
USA Today, with a nice letter promising to save Social Security, to give 
our children the world's best schools, to target tax relief to the 
middle class. That was the most welcome news I've

[[Page 341]]

read in USA Today, in terms of progress, since the NBA strike ended. 
[Laughter] And I was encouraged by it.
    But I want to make it clear, there are still strong differences in 
our approach, and we must resolve them in a way that benefits the 
American people, in the Vice President's words, that benefit Republicans 
and independents and Democrats alike. We have to do what's right for the 
country.
    First, while the Republicans are joining me in talking about setting 
aside a substantial part of the surplus for debt reduction and, 
presumably, for Social Security--and we welcome that--they still have 
said nothing about how they would extend the life of Social Security and 
whether they would dedicate all 62 percent of this surplus for that 
purpose. And that is very important.
    Second, I ask the Republican majority to join us in devoting a 
portion--15 percent--of the surplus to save Medicare. Now, this is very 
important. They have not done that so far. And as you see from the 
difficulties of others who have struggled with these issues and the fact 
that health care costs are beginning to rise again, we cannot secure 
Medicare as a guarantee for our seniors with any reasonable set of 
reforms and keep it a recognizable, universal program, unless we also 
invest some more money in the program.
    You can talk to any hospital that's administering programs that have 
Medicare patients. You can talk to any doctor. You can talk to anybody 
who's dealt with this program. We must have more money. So I ask those--
especially those who still maintain that somehow, out of the surplus, 
they can afford a very large across-the-board tax cut--where will they 
find the resources to extend the life of Medicare?
    I am not opposed to responsible reforms that enable us to secure 
Medicare for an even longer period and to begin to add this prescription 
drug benefit so that we can really help people who need it. But I'm 
telling you, we cannot deal with the Medicare problem without a greater 
investment of money.
    So, let's say, use the budget surplus to save Social Security, to 
save Medicare, to pay down the debt. Then we can have an honest and 
principled disagreement about how much and what kind of tax cut we need 
with the rest--about how much should go to education; how much should go 
to defense; how much should go to medical research. But the first and 
most important things are save Social Security, save Medicare, pay down 
the debt, secure the future of our children.
    Now, we stand today unified. We stand today well aware of the 
challenges before us. But we stand today beleaguered by beepers and 
message machines. [Laughter] This is my last line I want to say about 
this. Will Rogers also used to say something that we do not have to 
disregard. He used to say, and I quote, ``You've got to be an optimist 
to be a Democrat, and you've got to be humorous to stay one.'' 
[Laughter]
    Well, I urge you, let's bring a new energy to this session of 
Congress. When we get really frustrated by what seems to be excessive 
partisanship, let's remember these three fine American citizens who 
talked to us today and the stories they told and the hundreds of 
millions of people they represent. Let's keep our optimism, our good 
cheer, our resolve, and our unity, to give them the 21st century they 
deserve.
    Thank you, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 11:35 a.m. in the Thomas Jefferson 
Building, Library of Congress. In his remarks, he referred to Maureen 
Marshall, special education teacher, Springfield Estate Elementary 
School, Springfield, VA; Edwin Beale, graduate student, Tuskegee 
University; and Michael J. Saylor, founder, president, and chief 
executive officer, MicroStrategy, Inc. The transcript made available by 
the Office of the Press Secretary also included the remarks of Vice 
President Al Gore, Senator Thomas A. Daschle, and Representative Richard 
A. Gephardt.


<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
 [frwais.access.gpo.gov]
                         

[Page 341-350]
 
Monday, March 8, 1999
 
Volume 35--Number 9
Pages 329-376
 
Week Ending Friday, March 5, 1999
 
Letter to Congressional Leaders Reporting on Iraq's Compliance With 
United Nations Security Council Resolutions

March 3, 1999

Dear Mr. Speaker:  (Dear Mr. President:)

    Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against 
Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) and as part of my effort to keep the 
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to 
obtain

[[Page 342]]

Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations 
Security Council (UNSC). My last report, consistent with Public Law 102-
1, was transmitted on December 18, 1998.

Overview

    As stated in my December 18 report, on December 16, United States 
and British forces launched military strikes on Iraq (Operation Desert 
Fox) to degrade Iraq's capacity to develop and deliver weapons of mass 
destruction (WMD) and to degrade its ability to threaten its neighbors. 
The decision to use force was made after U.N. Special Commission 
(UNSCOM) Executive Chairman Richard Butler reported to the U.N. 
Secretary General on December 14, that Iraq was not cooperating fully 
with the Commission and that it was ``not able to conduct the 
substantive disarmament work mandated to it by the Security Council.''
    The build-up to the current crisis began on August 5 when the Iraqi 
government suspended cooperation with UNSCOM and the International 
Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), except on a limited-range of monitoring 
activities. On October 31, Iraq announced that it was ceasing all 
cooperation with UNSCOM. In response to this decision, the Security 
Council on November 5 unanimously adopted Resolution 1205, which 
condemned Iraq's decision as a ``flagrant violation'' of the Gulf War 
cease-fire Resolution 687 and other relevant resolutions. Resolution 
1205 also demanded that Iraq immediately rescind both its October 31 
decision and its decision of August 5. This came after the passage on 
March 3, 1998, of Resolution 1154, warning Iraq that the ``severest 
consequences'' would result from Iraq's failure to cooperate with the 
implementation of Resolution 687.
    Iraq ignored the Security Council's demands until November 14, when 
U.S. and British forces prepared to launch air strikes on Iraq. Baghdad 
initially tried to impose unacceptable conditions on its offer of 
resumption of cooperation; however, the United States and Great Britain 
insisted on strict compliance with all relevant Security Council 
resolutions.
    Subsequently, Iraq agreed in writing in letters to the U.N. 
Secretary General to rescind its August 5 and October 31 decisions and 
to resume full cooperation with UNSCOM and the IAEA in accordance with 
Security Council resolutions. Iraq informed the Security Council on 
November 14 that it was the ``clear and unconditional decision of the 
Iraqi government to resume cooperation with UNSCOM and the IAEA.''
    On November 15, the Security Council issued a statement in which it 
stressed that Iraq's commitment ``needs to be established by 
unconditional and sustained cooperation with the Special Commission and 
the IAEA in exercising the full range of their activities provided for 
in their mandates.''
    UNSCOM and the IAEA resumed their full range of activities on 
November 17, but Iraq repeatedly violated its commitment of cooperation. 
As Chairman Butler's report of December 14 details, Iraq has, over the 
course of the last 8 years, refused to provide the key documents and 
critical explanations about its prohibited weapons programs in response 
to UNSCOM's outstanding requests. It refused to allow removal of missile 
engine components, denied access to missile test data, restricted 
photography of bombs, and endangered the safety of inspectors by 
aggressively maneuvering a helicopter near them. Iraq failed to provide 
requested access to archives and effectively blocked UNSCOM from 
visiting a site on November 25.
    On December 4 and again on December 11, Iraq further restricted 
UNSCOM's activities by asserting that certain teams could not inspect on 
Fridays, the Muslim sabbath, despite 7 years of doing so and the fact 
that other inspection teams' activities were not restricted on Fridays. 
Iraq blocked access to offices of the ruling Ba'ath Party on December 9, 
which UNSCOM held ``solid evidence'' contained prohibited materials. 
Iraq routinely removed documents from facilities prior to inspection, 
and initiated new forms of restrictions on UNSCOM's work. We also have 
information that Iraq ordered the military to destroy WMD-related 
documents in anticipation of the UNSCOM inspections.
    Iraq's actions were a material breach of the Gulf War cease-fire 
resolution (UNSC

[[Page 343]]

Resolution 687), the February 23, 1998, Annan-Aziz Memorandum of 
Understanding, and Iraq's November 14 commitment to the Security 
Council. The threat to the region posed by Iraq's refusal to cooperate 
unconditionally with UNSCOM, and the consequent inability of UNSCOM to 
carry out the responsibilities the Security Council entrusted to it, 
could not be tolerated. These circumstances led the United States and 
the United Kingdom to use military force to degrade Iraq's capacity to 
threaten its neighbors through the development of WMD and long-range 
delivery systems. During Desert Fox, key WMD sites and the facilities of 
the organizations that conceal them, as well as important missile repair 
facilities and surface-to-air missile sites, were attacked. Operation 
Desert Fox degraded Saddam's ability to threaten his neighbors 
militarily.
    UNSCOM and IAEA inspectors withdrew from Iraq on December 15 when 
Chairman Butler reported that inspectors were not able to conduct the 
substantive disarmament work required of UNSCOM by the Security Council. 
The United States continues to support UNSCOM and the IAEA as the agreed 
mechanisms for Iraq to demonstrate its compliance with UNSC resolutions 
concerning disarmament.
    Since December 18, the Security Council has discussed next steps on 
Iraq. It decided on January 30 to establish three assessment panels to 
address disarmament issues, humanitarian issues, and Kuwait-related 
issues. The panels, under the chairmanship of the Brazilian Ambassador 
to the United Nations, are due to complete their reviews by April 15.
    The United States also continues to support the international 
community's efforts to provide for the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi 
people through the ``oil-for-food'' program. On November 24, 1998, the 
Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1210 establishing a new 
6-month phase (phase five) of the oil-for-food program (phase four ended 
November 25). In January, the United States announced its support for 
lifting the ceiling on oil sales under the oil-for-food program so that 
Iraqi civilian humanitarian needs can better be met.
    As long as Saddam Hussein remains in power, he represents a threat 
to the well-being of his people, the peace of the region, and the 
security of the world. We will continue to contain the threat he poses, 
but over the long term the best way to address that threat is through a 
new government in Baghdad. To that end, we--working with the Congress--
are deepening our engagement with the forces for change in Iraq to help 
make the opposition a more effective voice for the aspirations of the 
Iraqi people. Our efforts are discussed in more detail below.

U.S. and Coalition Force Levels in the Gulf Region

    Saddam's record of aggressive behavior compels us to retain a highly 
capable force in the region in order to deter Iraq and deal with any 
threat it might pose to its neighbors, the reconstitution of its WMD 
program, or movement against the Kurds in northern Iraq. We demonstrated 
our resolve in mid-December when forces in the region carried out 
Operation Desert Fox to degrade Iraq's ability to develop and deliver 
weapons of mass destruction and its ability to threaten its neighbors. 
We will continue to maintain a robust posture and have established a 
rapid reinforcement capability to supplement our forces in the Gulf, if 
needed.
    Our forces in the region include land and carrier-based aircraft, 
surface warships, a Marine Expeditionary unit, a Patriot missile 
battalion, a mechanized battalion task force, and a mix of special 
operations forces deployed in support of U.S. Central Command. To 
enhance force protection throughout the region, additional military 
security personnel are also deployed. Because of the increased air-
defense threat to coalition aircraft, we have also added a robust 
personnel recovery capability.

Operation Northern Watch and Operation Southern Watch

    The United States and coalition partners continue to enforce the no-
fly zones over Iraq through Operation Northern Watch and Operation 
Southern Watch. Since December 23, following the conclusion of Desert 
Fox, we have seen a significant increase in the frequency, intensity, 
and coordination of the

[[Page 344]]

Iraqi air defense system to counter enforcement of the no-fly zones. 
Since that date, U.S. and coalition aircraft enforcing the no-fly zones 
have been subject to multiple anti-aircraft artillery (AAA) firings, 
radar illuminations, and over 20 surface-to-air missile attacks. 
Subsequent to Desert Fox, Iraq significantly increased its air defense 
presence in both the north and south, but it has since returned to pre-
Desert Fox levels. Despite the decrease, however, Iraq has not ceased 
threatening coalition aircraft.
    In response to Iraq's increased and repeated no-fly zone violations, 
and in coordination with the Secretary of Defense's advice, our aircrews 
have been authorized by me to respond to the increased Iraqi threat. 
United States and coalition forces can defend themselves against any 
Iraqi threat in carrying out their no-fly zone enforcement mission. On 
over 50 occasions since December, U.S. and coalition forces have engaged 
the Iraqi integrated air defense system. As a consequence, the Iraqi air 
defense system has been degraded substantially further since December.

The Maritime Interception Force

    The multinational Maritime Interception Force (MIF), operating in 
accordance with Resolution 665 and other relevant resolutions, enforces 
U.N. sanctions in the Gulf. The U.S. Navy is the single largest 
component of the MIF, but it is frequently augmented by ships, aircraft, 
and other support from Australia, Belgium, Canada, Kuwait, The 
Netherlands, New Zealand, the UAE, and the United Kingdom. Member states 
of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) provide logistical support and 
shipriders to the MIF and accept vessels diverted for violating U.N. 

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