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authorization provided for a portion of the anticipated
[[Page 949]]
shortfall in fiscal year 1994 peacekeeping funds.
However, earmarks in the Department of State's main operating
accounts for activities not requested by the Administration will
severely restrict the Department's ability to meet planned levels for
critical investments in its information system and other infrastructure
improvements. As part of the Department's streamlining efforts, and with
a constrained budget, the Secretary of State needs the flexibility to
allocate scarce resources where they are needed most.
I am pleased at the inclusion of authorities necessary to implement
the Department of State's reorganization plan. I regret, however, the
provision that interferes with the Secretary's plan to merge the Office
of the Coordinator for Counter-Terrorism into the proposed Bureau of
Narcotics, Terrorism, and Crime, where this activity would receive the
coordinated, high-level attention that I believe would be the most
effective in fighting terrorism.
The bill also contains many useful authorities that will assist the
Department in improving the efficiency of its operations both
domestically and overseas. These include a new visa fee to be used for
upgrading consular systems and expanded authority to hire U.S. citizens
at posts abroad. Despite these and many other useful authorities
contained in this bill, I have serious reservations concerning a number
of its provisions.
Section 141 would require the Department of State to allow local
guard contracts awarded to U.S. firms to be paid in U.S. dollars in
certain countries. Because many countries require that payment for
services rendered locally be paid in local currency, this provision
could force the United States to violate both host country law and its
obligations under the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. I will
seek to implement this section in the manner most consistent with U.S.
obligations under international law.
Other provisions raise constitutional concerns. Article II of the
Constitution confers the Executive power of the United States on the
President alone. Executive power includes special authority in the area
of foreign affairs. Certain provisions in H.R. 2333, however, could be
construed so as to interfere with the discharge of my constitutional
responsibilities.
For example, section 412 (reforms in the World Health Organization),
section 501 (protection of refugee women and children), section 527(b)
(loans by international financial institutions to governments that have
expropriated property of U.S. citizens), and section 823 (loans or other
payments by international financial institutions for the purpose of
acquiring nuclear materials by non-nuclear states), purport specifically
to direct the President on how to proceed in negotiations with
international organizations. These provisions might be construed to
require the Executive branch to espouse certain substantive positions
regarding specific issues. I support the policies underlying these
sections. My constitutional authority over foreign affairs, however,
necessarily entails discretion over these matters. Accordingly, I shall
construe these provisions to be precatory.
Section 221 (the establishment of an office in Lhasa, Tibet),
section 236 (an exchange program with the people of Tibet), and section
573 (an Office of Cambodian Genocide Investigation, the activities of
which are to be carried out primarily in Cambodia), could also interfere
with the President's constitutional prerogatives. I am sympathetic to
the goals of these provisions. However, they could be construed to
require the President to negotiate with foreign countries or to take
actions in those countries without their consent. I will, therefore,
implement them to the extent consistent with my constitutional
responsibilities.
As with the resources allocated to the Department of State, I
appreciate the appropriations authorizations provided for USIA for
fiscal years 1994 and 1995. There are, however, certain earmarks,
particularly in the exchange programs, that inhibit the flexibility that
USIA needs to meet changing priorities. In addition, I understand that
the 1994 appropriations authorizations provided for USIA for salaries
and expenses includes the authorization for administrative and staff
costs for the ``Educational and Cultural Exchange Programs.''
I regret the repeal of the Voice of America broadcast charter
language (P.L. 94-350).
[[Page 950]]
My Administration will work with the Congress to address this issue
further.
Section 401 requires certain withholdings from U.S. assessed
contributions for the United Nations (U.N.) regular budget, and from the
fiscal year 1994 supplemental until the President makes the requisite
certification that the U.N. has established an office of and appointed
an Inspector General, empowered with specified authorities. Section 404
also sets forth ceilings on assessments on the United States for
peacekeeping contributions. Although I share the Congress' goal of
encouraging U.N. reform and broader cost sharing, I cannot endorse the
method proposed by these provisions because they could place the United
States in violation of its international treaty obligations if reform is
not achieved within the stated time.
Section 407 sets forth new reporting and notification requirements,
including a requirement for 15-day advance notification (with no waiver
provision) before the United States provides certain in-kind assistance
to support U.N. peacekeeping operations. It is understood that the
Congress, however, does not consider this provision to be subject to the
regular procedures on reprogramming notifications. It is imperative at
times to provide such assistance on an urgent basis to further U.S.
foreign policy interests. I will, therefore, construe these reporting
and notification requirements consistent with my constitutional
prerogatives and responsibilities as Commander in Chief and head of the
Executive branch. I also note the understanding reached with the
Congress that this notification process will not include congressional
``holds'' on assistance when notification does occur.
The conference report accompanying H.R. 2333, with respect to
section 525(a), Free Trade in Ideas, purports to describe the
Administration's policy with respect to restrictions on travel or
exchanges in the context of economic embargoes. We will carefully
consider the sense of the Congress as we complete our review of the
standards for general and specific licenses under embargo programs. We
have not, however, committed as a matter of policy to broad regulatory
or administrative changes to remove restrictions affecting travel or
exchanges for informational, educational, religious, cultural, or
humanitarian purposes or for public performance or exhibitions. Nor have
we initiated any action with respect to visa or currency restrictions.
Title VII, the Arms Control and Nonproliferation Act of 1994,
reflects the principle that the USACDA must be a key participant on arms
control and nonproliferation matters. The conference report accompanying
H.R. 2333 calls for a presumption that the President should direct the
USACDA to have primary responsibility for nonproliferation matters
absent compelling reasons to do otherwise. It also suggests specific
areas of responsibility in the nonproliferation field that should be
shifted to the USACDA. I do not accept either the stated presumption or
the suggested shift, since such limitations would infringe on the
discretion of the President in carrying out foreign affairs.
Title VIII contains provisions that raise significant constitutional
concerns. Section 824 would require an ``opportunity for a hearing on
the record'' prior to a Presidential determination to impose sanctions
on any person contributing to nuclear proliferation through financial
transactions. It would also subject this determination to judicial
review under the Administrative Procedures Act. These are extraordinary
and unwarranted procedural requirements for a Presidential determination
in the area of foreign affairs, and they raise serious constitutional
concerns. The delay in holding hearings and the possibility of delay
pending judicial review would severely undermine the effectiveness of
these sanctions. They would also eliminate the flexibility needed to
impose sanctions quickly to address urgent foreign policy problems and
interfere with our nonproliferation efforts. Nor is it clear how these
procedures could function in view of the classified nature of much of
the material involved. In addition, the broad reach of section 824
(which covers any person, not just financial entities) would complicate
Federal enforcement of the proposed sanctions and raises additional
constitutional questions when coupled with the extent of the specified
sanctions (i.e., a complete prohibition on the conduct of any new
business activities).
[[Page 951]]
The juxtaposition of these elements in section 824 makes the
provision essentially unworkable. I have been assured that this
provision will be corrected in a manner acceptable to the Administration
at the earliest possible date. Pending these corrections, and
particularly in light of the constitutional problems, I will interpret
the statute as providing me discretion to make the determinations
provided for in this section.
Finally, section 134 provides that whenever the Department of State
enters into a lease-purchase agreement involving foreign countries, the
Department shall account for such transactions ``in accordance with
fiscal year obligations.'' The Administration's interpretation is that
this provision does not waive the scoring rules governing lease-
purchases under the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990.
William J. Clinton
The White House,
April 30, 1994.
Note: H.R. 2333, approved April 30, was assigned Public Law No. 103-236.
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[Page 951-952]
Monday, May 9, 1994
Volume 30--Number 18
Pages 941-1005
Week Ending Friday, May 6, 1994
Proclamation 6679--Law Day, U.S.A., 1994
April 30, 1994
By the President of the United States
of America
A Proclamation
In 1961, when President John F. Kennedy first proclaimed Law Day,
U.S.A., he urged ``Americans to rededicate themselves to the ideals of
equality and justice under law in their relations with each other and
with other nations. . . .''
President Kennedy's challenge is no less urgent today. We live in a
time when nations around the globe are struggling to break free from the
darkness of oppression into the light of law and justice. To many of the
people of these countries, the American rule of law stands as a bright
beacon guiding the way to a hopeful future. Law Day, U.S.A., offers
every American the opportunity to reflect upon our Nation's proud
example of respect for the rights of individuals. More than that, this
day demands that we reaffirm our commitment to maintaining a just and
civil society in a rapidly changing world.
With the triumph of democratic governments and judiciaries around
the world, it seems particularly disturbing that our own legal system is
tested daily by the epidemic of crime and violence here at home. In
America today, too many children must pass through metal detectors to go
to school. Too many are approached by drug dealers in public parks, or
worry that they will be victims of drive-by shootings. The primary
responsibility of government is to protect the freedom of its citizens
and to keep them safe from harm. Our tradition of jurisprudence is the
powerful embodiment of this ideal. But it is up to each of us to help
ensure that this system remains true to its essential mission--freeing
our people from fear while protecting the liberties and rights of all.
On this day, I urge every American to support those who fight to
promote respect for the law, from police officers, judges, and other
members of the legal system to parents, teachers, and clergy. Let us
find the strength to insist that law prevails over disorder, equality
over discrimination, and justice over crime and prejudice. Let reverence
for the laws, in the words of President Abraham Lincoln, ``be taught in
schools, in seminaries, and in colleges; let it be written in primers,
spelling books, and in almanacs; let it be preached from the pulpit,
proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in the courts of justice.
. . .''
Now, Therefore, I, William J. Clinton, President of the United
States of America, in accordance with Public Law 87-20 of April 7, 1961,
do hereby proclaim May 1, 1994, as ``Law Day, U.S.A.'' I request the
people of the United States to observe this day with such ceremonies and
observances as will suitably signal our heritage of freedom, our rights
under law, and our abiding commitment to assist others in vindicating
their rights.
I urge members of the legal profession, civic associations, and the
media, as well as educators, librarians, and public officials, to
promote this observance through appropriate programs and activities. I
further call upon all public officials to display the flag of the United
States on all government buildings on
[[Page 952]]
Law Day, U.S.A., as a symbol of our dedication to the rule of government
under law.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand this thirtieth day
of April, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and ninety-four, and
of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and
eighteenth.
William J. Clinton
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 4:37 p.m., May 2, 1994]
Note: This proclamation was published in the Federal Register on May 4.
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Monday, May 9, 1994
Volume 30--Number 18
Pages 941-1005
Week Ending Friday, May 6, 1994
Proclamation 6680--Loyalty Day, 1994
April 30, 1994
By the President of the United States
of America
A Proclamation
Each year, at the height of spring's renewal, Americans take the
time to reaffirm our allegiance to our country and to the ideals upon
which it was founded. On this ``Loyalty Day,'' we pledge to defend the
blessings of American democracy.
Ours is still a relatively young Nation, but even in our brief
history, we have seen many other forms of government come and go. We
have witnessed the collapse of dictatorial regimes, while our brand of
democracy has continued to evolve and flourish. Rather than establishing
government control through the deprivation of basic human rights, our
founders realized that individual freedom and the right to self-
determination are the most powerful sources of national strength. This
philosophy forms the bedrock upon which our Nation is built, and we
continue to expand and enforce its wise mandate to this very day.
Generations of Americans have demonstrated their loyalty and
devotion to this country, many risking their lives for the sake of
defending the common good. To ensure that this loyalty and love of
country remain a vibrant part of each new generation, the Congress, by a
joint resolution approved July 18, 1958 (72 Stat. 369; 36 U.S.C. 162),
has designated May 1 of each year as ``Loyalty Day.''
Now, Therefore, I, William J. Clinton, President of the United
States of America, do hereby proclaim May 1, 1994, as Loyalty Day. I
call upon all Americans to observe this day with appropriate ceremonies
and activities, including public recitation of the Pledge of Allegiance
to the Flag of the United States. I also call upon government officials
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