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pd10ap00 Statement on the Death of John Robert Starr...


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    A couple of Sundays ago--more than that now, but just recently, on a 
Sunday, I had an opportunity to go to Selma, Alabama, to commemorate the 
35th anniversary of Bloody Sunday, where Congressman John Lewis, then 
just a young man, and Reverend Hosea Williams and comedian Dick Gregory 
and a lot of others marched across a bridge over a river at Selma on 
their way to Montgomery. They were beaten and beaten back. But a few 
days later, they marched to Montgomery, and 6 months later we got the 
Voting Rights Act.
    And it was one of the--for me as a southerner, it was one of the 
great moments of my life. And most of the people who walked over that 
bridge are still alive, and most of them walked over that bridge with me 
again. But I was thinking about the 35 years that have--some of you are 
too young to remember; most of you are around my age. Let me tell you 
something about 35 years ago.

[[Page 700]]

    We celebrated the longest economic expansion in history this 
February. So we were sitting around talking about it one day, and I had 
all my economic advisers there. And I said, ``Now, before we broke this 
record, when was the last longest economic expansion in history?''--1961 
to 1969. So in '64, I graduate from high school--low inflation; low 
unemployment; high growth; Lyndon Johnson is President; high optimism 
that he will be able to lead the country away from the heartbreak of 
President Kennedy's assassination, and we'll solve all the civil rights 
problems in the Congress and in the courts. We've got some people in 
Vietnam, but nobody thinks it's going to tear the country apart, and 
everybody believes America will prevail in the cold war--'64.
    And even in the bloody conflicts like Selma, it was all part of 
progress, you know. Things were happening. Okay. Four years later, 1968, 
we're graduating from college, Brian and I are. June 8, 1968, we're at 
Georgetown finishing college 2 days after Robert Kennedy was killed; 2 
months after Martin Luther King was killed; 9 weeks after Lyndon Johnson 
said he couldn't run for President anymore because the country was just 
split right down the middle on the Vietnam war.
    A few weeks later, President Nixon is elected on one of these ``us'' 
and ``them'' campaigns. I call them ``us'' and ``them'' campaigns. He 
represented the Silent Majority--that was his slogan--which meant those 
of us that weren't for him, we were in the loud minority, and there was 
something wrong with us. A few weeks after that, the longest economic 
expansion in American history came to an end.
    Now, what's that got to do with this? You know, I'm not trying to be 
a downer here; I'm an inherently optimistic person. But this is a moment 
for making tomorrows. This is not a moment for indulging ourselves in 
all this good stuff that's going on today. And the only way to really 
ensure that it continues to happen is to keep thinking about tomorrow 
and keep trying to make them and to take on these big challenges we know 
are out there.
    There are going to be twice as many people over 65 in 30 years as 
there are today. It's a big challenge. We can fix it right now. We can 
basically prepare ourselves for it right now. That's just one example. 
But that's the decision the American people are going to have to make. 
More than anything else is the general thing--are we going to go back to 
an approach that is more satisfying in the short run that we know 
doesn't work, or are we going to try to keep building on the change of 
the last 7 years? Are we going to pick leaders that we know understand 
the future and can take us there, or are we going to pick people who say 
things we like to hear and may make it easier for us in the next month 
or 2?
    That's really what's going on here. And I guess what I would like to 
tell you--it hit me with Selma--and I say this more as a citizen than as 
President. I have waited now for 35 years for my country once again to 
have a chance to build a future of our dreams for our kids. It's a long 
time. It may not happen again in our lifetime. That's why this election 
is so important.
    So if they ask you why you came here today, I hope you can give them 
that answer.
    Thank you very much.

Note: The President spoke at 11:39 a.m. at a private residence. In his 
remarks, he referred to brunch hosts Brian L. and Myra Greenspun and 
their daughter, Amy; Mrs. Greenspun's parents, Arnold and Rachel Smith; 
Janie Greenspun Gale, vice chairman, board of trustees, Las Vegas 
Springs Preserve; former Representative James H. Bilbray; actor Michael 
J. Fox; former boxing champion Muhammad Ali; and civil rights activists 
Hosea Williams and Dick Gregory.


<DOC>
[Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents]
 [frwais.access.gpo.gov]
                         

[Page 700-704]
 
Monday, April 10, 2000
 
Volume 36--Number 14
Pages 691-770
 
Week Ending Friday, April 7, 2000
 
Remarks at a Democratic National Committee and Nevada State Democratic 
Party Reception in Las Vegas

April 2, 2000

    Thank you very much. Well, first, let me say I am delighted to be 
here. When I got up this morning--a little early, because we had this 
shift to daylight savings time--it was cloudy in Washington. And I think 
I made a good swap. [Laughter] I just talked to
Hillary on the phone, and I'm on my way to northern California to do an 
event and

[[Page 701]]

see our daughter tonight, and I think I made a good decision to travel 
West today. I love coming back to Las Vegas.
    I will say--you know, Jan was kind of joshing with me on the way in. 
I said, ``Gosh, I love this house.'' And she said, ``Well, you know, 
I'll give you a lot of variety because I move every year.'' [Laughter] 
And I think she ought to give this place at least 18 months. This is a 
wonderful place, and I'm delighted to be here, and I think we all are.
    I want to thank Senator Bryan, as he retires. I want to wish him 
well and thank him for all that he did as Senator, Governor, and 
attorney general. I'm so old and creaky, I served with both Dick Bryan 
and Bob Miller, and I thank you, sir, for everything you did. Thank you, 
and we wish you well.
    I want to thank Harry Reid, and I want to thank you, Representative 
Berkley, for helping to get the votes that will guarantee that when I 
veto that nuclear waste bill, the veto will be sustained. And I thank 
you for that.
    I told the people of Nevada in November of 1998 in no uncertain 
terms that if they wanted to have the law observed instead of short-
circuited, they had to reelect Harry Reid, and that we needed a Member 
of Congress from our party who had agreed with us here. And you won, and 
you won. And Harry was like Jack Kennedy in 1960; he didn't buy a single 
vote he didn't need. [Laughter]
    And I want to be heard again publicly on this. If it hadn't been for 
your delegation working the Congress, explaining the issue, we would 
never have gotten enough votes on our side--and we did better this 
time--to sustain the President's veto. And I would hope the people of 
Nevada will think about this in this coming Presidential race, because 
I'm not on the ballot, and I won't be here next time. And I'll guarantee 
it; it is an absolute certainty, 100 percent certainty, that there is a 
difference in position between the candidates on this issue.
    Keep in mind, when the study was originally done, there were two 
sides that were thought to be appropriate, possibly. One was in Nevada; 
the other was in rural Texas. So I'll leave it to you. [Laughter] I know 
you can figure this out.
    I want to thank Governor Miller, too, for being my great friend and 
for all the things that we've done together. We even took a trip to the 
Balkans together recently, and we had a good time in Bulgaria. I want to 
thank you, Ed Bernstein, for running for the United States Senate. It's 
a hard thing to do as a private citizen, and I thank you.
    And thank you, Rory Reid, for being the chair of this party. I want 
to thank all the members of the legislature and the city council, the 
county commissioners, Mayor Gibson from Henderson, for being here. I 
want to thank Ed Rendell, my great friend, who when he retired as mayor 
of Philadelphia, I said I had a little part-time job I wanted him to do. 
[Laughter] And he's embraced it with gusto.
    Thank you, Janice Griffin. There was a couple here who have not been 
introduced that I'd like to acknowledge. They've come from Chicago, and 
Lou Weisbach and his wife, Ruth--he's the head of our Jefferson Trust 
Program for the Democratic Party. And I want to welcome them to Las 
Vegas and thank them for coming out here with me. And I want to thank 
former Congressman Bilbray for being here.
    Let me say one thing about him, as well, I said earlier. We 
celebrated--I will begin and end with this fact--we celebrated the 
longest economic expansion in the history of America in February. It 
happened because when Al Gore and I were elected, we first of all said, 
even before we took office, that we were going to do something about the 
crippling deficit and the debt of our country, which had quadrupled--
quadrupled--in the 12 years before I took office. The deficit was $290 
billion, projected to be about $400 billion this year. And we said we 
would do something about it.
    And interest rates immediately started to drop. Then I presented a 
program; they started to drop again. Then, in August of '93, came 
decision time. Were we finally, after 12 years of irresponsibility, 
going to actually do something about the deficit that was gripping our 
country?
    Now, don't forget what America was like in 1992: high unemployment; 
high interest rates; low growth; every time we'd get out of a recession, 
we'd fall right back in; social

[[Page 702]]

problems getting worse; Washington full of name-calling and political 
division, not much going on. That's what was happening.
    And the Republicans made a decision that they would not give us a 
single, solitary vote on the deficit reduction package in 1993. Not one. 
And the leadership put the word out; no one could budge. And they told 
everybody this was nothing but a tax increase, in spite of the fact that 
we cut thousands of programs and eliminated hundreds. And they said it 
would wreck the American economy, and they washed their hands of it. 
They said, ``We're not responsible for what happens.'' And they 
certainly aren't. [Laughter]
    And this man, Jim Bilbray, voted with me. And he gave up his seat in 
Congress because of it, because by 1994 the American people had not yet 
felt that the economy was doing better. They had not felt it. And the 
Republicans could come out and say, ``Well, they all voted for tax 
increases.'' Well, a few of you may have had your taxes increased--about 
1.2 percent of the American people did. The rest either had no tax 
increase or an income tax cut.
    But we lost a lot of good people in the Congress, and he was one. 
But I want you to know, if he hadn't cast that vote, we didn't--we 
passed that budget by one vote. And everything that has happened since, 
right down to the longest economic expansion in history, would not have 
happened if we hadn't gone from deficits to surpluses, and gone from 
high interest rates to low interest rates. And I thank you, Mr. Bilbray, 
for what you did.
    Now, let me say--I want to just get out and say hello to you, and 
it's a warm day, and I don't want you to have to stand a long time in 
the Sun. But I want you to think about this. If I were to ask you, 
what's this election about, what would you answer?
    This is my answer: Seven years and a few months ago, Al Gore and I 
took office. And we said we were going to put the people of this country 
first by going beyond the politics of division to try to create a 
country in which there was opportunity for every responsible citizen; in 
which we had one community across all the racial, religious, and other 
lines that divide us; in which we're the leading force in the world for 
peace and freedom and prosperity, and that anybody who wanted to be a 
part of that should have a chance.
    And we have now worked for over 7 years. We not only have the 
longest economic expansion in history and 21 million new jobs, we've got 
the lowest unemployment rate in 30 years, the lowest minority 
unemployment rate ever recorded, the lowest female unemployment rate in 
40 years, the lowest welfare rolls in 30 years, the lowest poverty rates 
in 20 years, the lowest crime rates in 25 years, the highest 
homeownership in the history of the country. Now, that is the record.
    We have also downsized the Government to the point--it's now the 
size it was when Dwight Eisenhower was President, and that was a year or 
2 ago. And yet, we're doing more. So there's not a real debate here. 
What we have stood for works. And what we have to decide now is, what 
are we going to do with this moment of prosperity? Are we going to give 
in to our fears, or are we going to act on our hopes? Are we going to 
take the easy way because there seems to be no adverse consequence, or 
are we going to sort of lift our visions and take on the big challenges 
of the future?
    The real issue is here, not what we've done for the last 7 years, 
but now that we have this moment, what are we going to do with it? And 
my answer to you is quite simple. You get a chance like this once in a 
lifetime, a country does. And we have got to use this moment to take 
care of the big challenges that our children are going to face when they 
grow up. And I'll just mention a few.
    We could create 21st century schools with world-class education for 
all of our kids. But we've got to have high standards, accountability, 
and support, from after-school and summer school programs to computers 
to modernized facilities in a lot of the cities like Philadelphia where 
the average school building is 65 years old, and in New York, where many 
of the schools, believe it or not, are still heated by coal-fired 
furnaces built in the 19th century. We can build those 21st century 
schools.
    We can deal with the 21st century family. We have to help people 
balance work and family. What does that mean? It means, among other 
things, I think people ought to get a tax deduction for college tuition. 
I think

[[Page 703]]

they ought to get a tax credit for long-term care, because more and more 
families are taking care of their elderly parents or members with 
disability. I think that we ought to have a tax incentive for child care 
for working families. Those are the kinds of tax breaks I favor.
    I think we ought to raise the minimum wage again. The last time I 
raised it, they said it would increase unemployment. Since then, we've 
had record job growth. People ought to make a decent living. I think 
these are the kinds of things that we ought to do.
    I think that we ought to recognize that when we baby boomers retire, 
there will only be two people working for every one person drawing 
Social Security, and we should move now--now--not then, now, to lengthen 
the life of Social Security to 2053--that's my proposal--out beyond the 
lifespan of the baby boom generation; to save Medicare; to add a 
prescription drug benefit. Sixty percent of the seniors in this country 
today can't afford the prescription drugs they need. We ought to do it 
now.
    We ought to act now to prove we can grow the economy and preserve 
the environment and deal with the problem of climate change and all the 
other environmental challenges we face. It's not necessary to hurt the 
economy to do that.
    You get the idea. I remember one of the members of the other party 
criticized me for going to India and Pakistan because we didn't, so-
called, ``get anything.'' I think we got a lot out of going to India and 
Pakistan. I don't want them to have a war, and I think that we should do 
it. I believe America should be a force for peace and against 
discrimination and hatred--from Kosovo and Bosnia to the Middle East and 
Northern Ireland, to Africa and India and Pakistan. That's what I 
believe.
    Now, all of this is at issue. I'm for Al Gore for President not just 
because I'm devoted to him and I feel loyalty because he's been the 
finest Vice President in history, but because I know--because I know he 
understands the future and he has the experience, the ability, and the 
will to lead us in this direction.
    And I came here to help these folks in Nevada who are running for 
Congress, because I think it's important. Let me tell you something--it 
really matters who is in the Senate. They're going to vote on a 
comprehensive test ban treaty; the Republicans just voted it down. The 
first time since the dawn of the nuclear age the United States walked 
away from its responsibility to a safer world. But he would vote for the 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. It's a big deal. The world these children 
are going to live in will have all kinds of people trying to build 
small-scale nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. You can't say it 
doesn't matter just because we're out here and things are prosperous 
today. It does matter.
    It matters who--the next President is going to appoint between two 
and four members of the Supreme Court. Who do you want voting to confirm 
them? You need to think about these things. And I will say again, this 
nuclear waste issue, it will not go away. So you need to reelect this 
fine woman to Congress, and you need to vote for a Senator who will 
fight with us, and you need to remember that if you make the wrong 

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