pd10ap95 Remarks at the United Nations Transition Ceremony in Port-au-Prince...

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Bosnia, based on the Contact Group plan. The conflict is being prolonged 
because of Bosnian-Serb intransigence. Renewed fighting will not end the 
conflict but only lead to more bloodshed and continued stalemate.
    The Prime Minister and I also vowed to continue working together to 
contain the Iraqi threat to stability in the Persian Gulf region. We are 
deeply concerned that Saddam Hussein could be regaining the ability to 
build weapons of mass destruction. We are determined that Iraq must meet 
all its United Nations obligations. This is no time to relax sanctions.
    The Iraqi people are suffering tremendously under Saddam's tyranny, 
and they do deserve the help of the international community. But easing 
up on a regime that oppresses people will not help them. So while there 
can be no compromise, the United States, the United Kingdom, and 
Argentina have put forward new proposals in the United Nations to get 
food and medicine to the people of Iraq. We hope other nations will join 
these efforts and support our Security Council resolution and pressure 
Saddam Hussein to stop the needless suffering of his innocent citizens.
    Prime Minister Major told me a great deal about his recent trip to 
the Middle East. We both strongly believe this is a hopeful moment for 
broadening the circle of peace. The United States and Europe must 
continue to fight the efforts to derail the peace process by those who 
prefer destruction to peace. It is clear that for peace to take root in 
the region, more economic assistance is vital. Peace and prosperity 
depend upon one another. I applaud the United Kingdom's investment 
program in the West Bank and Gaza, as well as its debt relief measures 
for Jordan. We must all continue to support those who take risks for 
peace.
    Nowhere is this more true than in Northern Ireland. I salute the 
Prime Minister for the tremendous efforts he is making to bring an 
enduring peace to Northern Ireland. Today, Northern Ireland is closer to 
a just and lasting settlement than at any time in a generation, thanks 
in large measure to the vision and courage of John Major. He and Prime 
Minister Bruton of Ireland together introduced the Joint Framework, 
which provides a landmark opportunity to move ahead toward a political 
settlement, one that will be backed by both of Northern Ireland's 
communities.
    We also agreed that the paramilitaries of both sides must get rid of 
their weapons for good so that violence never returns to Northern 
Ireland. And we must work to increase economic opportunity in that area. 
Their prospects have been blighted by bloodshed for too long. Next month 
our White House Conference on Trade and Investment in Ireland will help 
to expand the ties between the United States, Northern Ireland, and 
Ireland's border counties. Building those kinds of bonds will help to 
lead to a better life for all the people of the region.
    The Prime Minister and I discussed some other issues. We agreed on 
the need for an indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty at 
the review conference that begins this month. To further the cause of 
nonproliferation, the Prime Minister joins me in calling for full 
implementation of the framework agreement we negotiated with North Korea 
to end that country's nuclear program. And we discussed the need to 
adapt our international institutions to the challenges of the next 
century at the G-7 summit in Halifax.
    I was particularly impressed by the thinking that the Prime Minister 
has done on this profoundly important issue. The United States and the 
United Kingdom, after all, helped to shape those institutions. They have 
served our interests for the last half century. With the extraordinary 
relationship between our two countries as important as ever, I am 
confident we can make the changes necessary and work together to advance 
our shared values and our common interests, to

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promote peace and democracy and prosperity in the years ahead and, of 
course, in the century ahead.
    Finally, let me say, we discussed the ceremonies that will mark the 
50th anniversary of the end of World War II. Because of my prior 
commitments, I've asked the Vice President to represent me and all 
Americans in London on May the 8th at services that will commemorate the 
great wartime bravery and sacrifice of so many Britons. And I look 
forward to seeing Prime Minister Major when we go together to Moscow on 
May 9th to pay our respect to the heroism of the Russian people in that 
conflict.
    Mr. Prime Minister.
    Prime Minister Major. Mr. President, thank you very much.
    We've had the opportunity today for a good-humored, worthwhile, 
productive, and very far-reaching series of exchanges on a whole range 
of matters. The President has set out much of the agenda we discussed, 
and I won't reiterate what the President said, except to say that in his 
remarks he spoke not just for the United States but for the United 
Kingdom as well. I share the views he expressed, and I won't reiterate 
them.
    We spent some time looking forward at two separate matters which I 
think are of some importance to both our countries, and of wider 
importance as well. The first of them the President just touched on, and 
that was the review of the Bretton Woods institutions and the United 
Nations that we agreed with the other G-7 heads of government at Naples 
last year that we should undertake and return to at Halifax later this 
year.
    We've given a great deal of discussion to that, and I think for a 
range of reasons the time is right to look at a fairly comprehensive 
reform of some of those institutions. And we exchanged some ideas today 
on precisely how we might do that, and agreed that we would exchange 
further ideas before we came to the G-7 summit. I think there is--to 
rationalize some of the financial institutions.
    We wish to look particularly, in addition to that, at the United 
Nations where there are a number of overlapping functions. I am a very 
strong supporter of the United Nations, and I wish to see the United 
Nations a successful organization for the year 2000. It does seem that, 
looking at it, some of the areas of the U.N. could well do with 
updating, refreshing, to make sure that they are entirely applicable to 
the problems they will have to face in the late 1990's and beyond the 
turn of the century. And I hope very much that we will be able to get 
together with some more of our ideas and float those in greater detail 
when we get to the Halifax summit later on this year.
    We also spent some time looking at the commonality of interests that 
exists between the United Kingdom and the United States. There are a 
huge range of areas where there is common interest, and not just those 
that were discussed--the agreements that we have in terms of policy 
towards Russia, Iran, Iraq, the Middle East, Bosnia, and a range of 
other areas.
    But beyond that, I think there's a commonality of interest in the 
future security and prosperity of the Central and East European states, 
and also with two other matters: First, the further extension of free 
trade, to which I wish to return in just a second; and second, with 
looking together and combating together some of the problems of 
instability, extremism, and terrorism that we can begin to see in parts 
of North Africa, parts of the Levant, and parts of the Middle East. And 
we spent some time considering how we might address some of those 
problems in the future.
    It was necessarily a discussion that dealt with problems that may 
arise, and dealt in some cases, frankly, with generalities. But it was 
an opportunity to look forward, rather than to just discuss the 
immediate topical problems that we face at the moment.
    One area of growing importance that we touched on was the 
possibility of seeing how we can build on the Uruguay round agreement of 
a year or so ago, and see how we can move forward to deal with much 
freer trade in financial services, for example, removing many of the 
nontariff barriers that still exist between Western Europe and the 
United States, and seeing how, step by step, we can move forward to a 
much greater element of free trade between North America and the Western 
European nations. That is something that needs to be done. I think it's 
something that's of immense benefit, and I

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found our discussion on that immensely productive and it's one I know 
that we will both return to in the future.
    So I found the discussion, not just on contemporary matters of use, 
but I found the sharing of ideas about how we deal with the development 
of the transatlantic relationship to deal with the problems that are 
going to arise in the future, and also the examination of the common 
transatlantic view on many of the international problems around the 
world to be a very worthwhile and a very refreshing discussion, and I'm 
delighted we were able to have it.
    And I think the President and I will be happy to take any questions 
anyone may have.
    The President. Terry [Terence Hunt, Associated Press].

Taxes

    Q. Mr. President, I would like to ask you about two tax matters at 
home. Congress has sent you a bill that would provide health insurance 
tax deductions for self-employed people. But it also allows 
billionaires, a handful of billionaires, to avoid taxation by renouncing 
their citizenship. Will you sign or veto that measure? And secondly, the 
House tomorrow takes up the Republican tax bill that provides benefits 
to a range of businesses and also a $500 child tax credit for families 
earning up to $200,000 a year. I know you have your own approach, but 
can you live with the Republican approach?
    The President. Well, as to the first question, I strongly support 
restoring deductibility to self-employed people for the cost of their 
health insurance. I think it's unconscionable to have a different 
standard for them than for corporations. And that was a big part of my 
health care reform bill last year. So I'm on record strongly in favor of 
that. As a matter of fact, I'd like to see it expanded.
    I am deeply troubled that the conference committee took out a 
payment mechanism by simply asking billionaires who made their money as 
Americans and largely made their money in the United States to pay the 
taxes they owe and instead to let them evade American income taxes by 
giving up their citizenship now that they have it made. So I'm going to 
have to look at that very closely and examine whether there might be 
some other opportunities to achieve that objective. But it's just wrong 
for us to walk away from that. That's just wrong.
    Now, on the second matter, you know what my views are on that. We 
have two objectives here. I support tax relief for the middle class. I 
support greater tax fairness. I think it should be much more focused on 
things that will raise incomes in the short term and in the long term, 
so I favor a sharp focus on educating people and raising children, on 
families and education. But we cannot afford a cut of that magnitude and 
do the right thing by the deficit. And we should not be cutting taxes in 
ways that benefit very wealthy Americans and require us in turn to cut 
education, which will weaken our country as a whole. Education is the 
middle class social safety net, if you will. It is the key to our 
economic future as well. So I think that's a big mistake. I think it's 
too big. I think it is--we need to focus on the deficit, and we don't 
need to be cutting education and investment in our future to give tax 
relief to people who don't really need it.
    Prime Minister Major. Don MacIntyre [The Independent].

Northern Ireland Peace Process

    Q. Could I just ask the President whether he accepts the British 
Government's pronouncements that Sinn Fein has not yet gone quite far 
enough on decommissioning of arms to justify a ministerial talk? And 
also, could I ask the Prime Minister whether he's satisfied with the 
administration on that issue?
    The President. Well, I think it's a decision entirely for the 
British Government to make when in negotiations with Sinn Fein, when 
ministerial talks are appropriate. I will say this: I was very clear 
when the Adams' visa was granted with permission to fundraise that there 
must be an agreement, a commitment in good faith, to seriously and 
quickly discuss arms decommissioning. Without a serious approach to arms 
decommissioning, there will never be a resolution of this conflict.
    And so I think that--I would hope that there would be no difference 
in our position on that because I think the Prime Minister

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is right about that; we have to deal with this arms decommissioning 
issue. And I know that there is an attempt by the government to work 
with the paramilitaries on both sides to achieve that objective, and 
that's what I think should be done.
    Prime Minister Major. Let me just add to that point. We've already 
started discussions at ministerial level with the loyalists 
paramilitaries on decommissioning, and those discussions are proceeding. 
What we're seeking to do is to have exactly the same discussions on 
exactly the same terms with Sinn Fein.
    Now, if Mr. Adams is serious about moving towards peace--and he has 
repeatedly spoken about it--then he needs to discuss with the British 
Government the question of the modalities of decommissioning the arms. 
We need to know how it can be done, when it can be done, what needs to 
be done, a whole series of details. That matter has to be discussed.
    Now, I think it is right for that matter to be discussed at 
ministerial level with Sinn Fein. And we've made it perfectly clear 
that, providing they are prepared to discuss that matter--and we've 
suggested what an agenda might be, and we're in discussion with them 
about that--then I think it is right for us to move to ministerial 
discussion on decommissioning of arms.
    What is absolutely clear is that unless we are able to make progress 
on decommissioning of arms, there will be no possibility of Sinn Fein 
sitting down with the democratic political parties, the other democratic 
political parties in Northern Ireland. They simply won't be prepared to 
talk about meeting a settlement until there has been progress on 
decommissioning of arms. So I very much hope Mr. Adams will embark upon 
those discussions speedily.

Iraq

    Q. Mr. President, I just wondered if you could elaborate on 
something you said in your opening remarks, about your concerns with 
Iraq and their apparent ability to build weapons of mass destruction.
    The President. I didn't say they had the apparent ability. I said 
they could be regaining it. And what I mean by that--I want to be very 
specific about it--what I mean by that is, unless Mr. Ekeus and the 
international inspectors can certify that they're in full compliance 
with all the relevant United Nations resolutions, then we have no 
assurance that they are not regaining the capacity to move forward with 
weapons of mass destruction. That is what I mean, but that is all I mean 
about it.
    Q. So you're saying you don't have evidence that they are actually--
--
    The President. That they are doing that now? I do not. And I want to 
make clear--that's why I used the word ``could be regaining.''
    The United States position, which the United Kingdom has supported 
and for which I am very grateful, is that we should not relax these 
sanctions until there is full compliance with the resolutions. The 
resolutions were not passed in a careless way. They are carefully worded 
resolutions designed to assure the international community that this 
cannot happen. And unless those resolutions are complied with, the 
international community cannot know that this cannot happen.
    Q. Mr. Prime Minister, do you share that view?
    Prime Minister Major. I share that view, absolutely. I think we need 
to await Mr. Ekeus's report. From all I hear, it's not going to be 
satisfactory about the way Iraq is behaving. We are concerned about the 
humanitarian aspect of people in Iraq. There is a Security Council 
resolution, which I trust is going to be passed, which will open up a 
better possibility for Saddam Hussein to sell oil in order to feed 
people in Iraq. It's an option that will be there. I very much hope 
he'll take that option.
    But on the general relief of sanctions, until he has met the 
Security Council resolutions, met the Security Council resolutions in 
full, and we have seen independent verification that he has met the 
Security Council resolutions in full, then we entirely agree that there 
could be no relief whatsoever from the sanctions that have been imposed.

Northern Ireland Peace Process

    Q. Mr. President, having broken bread with Gerry Adams----
    The President. It's Mr. Major's turn.

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    Q. Well, it's to both of you. Having broken bread with Gerry Adams, 
could you, person-to-person, man-to-man, recommend that he speak with 
Gerry Adams himself?
    The President. That's a decision for the Prime Minister to make in 
the context of the peace process. I have said--I said on St. Patrick's 
Day, when I spoke then, I will say again, we are where we are today 
because of the risks that John Major has been willing to take for peace. 
And they have been considerable risks to himself, to his party, to his 
government, because he knows that this matter must be resolved. And I 
applaud that. The details of the decisionmaking must be made by the 
participants. And that is a decision for him to make.
    Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International].
    Prime Minister Major. I would--sorry.
    The President. We didn't do a British----
    Prime Minister Major. No, no, no--go after Helen. Ladies first. Adam 
Boulton [Sky TV] next. He will willingly wait, won't you, Adam? 
[Laughter]

U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy

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