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pd18oc99 Statement on the Conclusion of the Independent Counsel's Investigation...


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double by the year 2030. I hope I'll still be one of them. There will be 
two people working for every one person drawing Social Security.
    Second, the health and education of the largest and most diverse 
group of children in our Nation's history.
    Third, sustaining our economic prosperity over the long term and 
expanding its reach to people and places that have not been touched by 
this marvelous economic recovery.
    Fourth, making America the safest big country in the world. Yes, the 
crime rate's at a 26-year-low, but no one believes it's low enough. The 
accidental death rates by guns of children is 9 times higher than that 
of the next 25 big industrial countries combined. So, yes, we have a 26-
year-low in crime rates, but if we're the strongest economy in the world 
and we have a free society, why don't we say we're going to not stop 
until America is the safest big country in the entire world?
    The fifth big challenge we have, which will bear directly on your 
efforts and those that succeed you in the years ahead is dealing with 
the environmental challenges we face, especially the challenge of 
climate change and global warming. I feel very, very strongly about 
that. One of the problems I have in dealing with it is that the applause 
is still scattered when I talk about it. [Laughter]
    And sixth, building one America out of all the diverse threads of 
our citizenship and doing it in a world that we help to make ever more 
interdependent, peaceful, and prosperous.
    The answers to those questions, whether we will do that, will be 
affected by the decisions we make here in Washington in the coming days 
and weeks. Ever since I gave

[[Page 2008]]

my State of the Union Address, I have been working with Congress, or 
trying to, on a budget that will move us ahead in meeting all these 
challenges, that will leave this country in good shape for the new 
millennium, while maintaining our budget discipline that has been 
responsible for so much of the good things that have happened in this 
country in the last 6\1/2\ years.
    To meet the challenge of the aging of America, I have proposed to 
extend the life of Social Security to 2050, to get it out beyond the 
life of the baby boom generation, to lift the earnings limit, to give 
more help to older women who are disproportionately poor. I have also 
proposed to extend the life of Medicare to 2027--that's the longest 
existence of the Medicare Trust Fund in a long time--to add a voluntary 
prescription drug benefit, to allow uninsured Americans between the ages 
of 55 and 65 to buy into the Medicare program, and to provide a long-
term care tax credit for families that are dealing with that challenge.
    To meet the challenge of our children's education, I have proposed 
to continue with our program of putting 100,000 more teachers in the 
classroom, to lower class sizes in the early grades, to build or 
modernize 6,000 schools, to complete our efforts to hook all of our 
classrooms up to the Internet by the year 2000, and to raise standards 
and accountability.
    I know Secretary Riley spoke here earlier, and perhaps he dealt with 
this at greater length, but we propose as we give out our Federal money 
and reauthorize that law every 5 years--this is the year we do it--to 
say every State must have high standards, every State must have 
accountability--accountability for teachers, for schools, for students. 
We shouldn't have social promotion, but we shouldn't blame kids for the 
failure of the system. So we proposed to triple the number of our 
children served by after-school and summer school programs. We proposed 
to give funds to schools that are failing, to turn them around or 
require them to be shut down. We proposed to expand the number of 
charter schools within our public school system so we'll get up to 3,000 
by the end of next year.
    These are very important things that I hope all Americans will 
support. Unless we can educate all our children--and increasingly, they 
come from families whose first language is not English--we will not have 
the country we want in 30 years.
    To meet the challenge of expanding and continuing our economic 
prosperity and bringing it to people who haven't felt it yet, I have 
asked the Congress to adopt a new markets initiative to give Americans 
with funds to invest the same incentives to invest in poor areas in 
America we now give them to invest in poor areas in Latin America or 
Asia or Africa.
    I have proposed to increase the immensely successful community 
empowerment program that the Vice President has run for us over the last 
6\1/2\ years, to increase enterprise zones, empowerment communities, to 
increase our community development banks that make loans to people and 
places where capital is not available. And to keep this expansion going 
perhaps for another generation, through ups and downs in the global 
economy, I have asked the Congress to do this within a framework that 
would enable us to continue to pay down our national debt which we 
quadrupled in the 12 years before I took office, so that in 15 years, 
America could be debt-free for the first time since 1835 when Andrew 
Jackson was the President of the United States.
    Let me say to all of you--this is a pretty progressive group, and 
you always want Government to invest in money--why should progressives 
want America to be out of debt? I want to make this argument just very 
briefly. All of us who are over 40, at least, who went to college and 
took an economics class were told that every country needs a certain 
amount of debt, that it's healthy. And that was true when every country 
controlled its own economic destiny independent of every other. And it 
was true when people were borrowing money to invest in things like roads 
and bridges and parks and universities and long-term capital 
investments.
    But over the last 20 years, governments, the United States being the 
worst offender, got to borrowing money just to pay the bills every week. 
And in a global economy where

[[Page 2009]]

money can move across national borders instantaneously, if a government 
is debt-free, it means the people in that country, whether they're 
businesses trying to start or expand or families trying to pay for 
homes, cars, college loans and credit card bills, can all borrow money 
more cheaply. It means that if rich countries like America get out of 
debt and other countries get in trouble, like our Asian partners did 
over the last couple of years, they can get money to get help more 
quickly, rebound more quickly, and buy our products more rapidly.
    So I feel very strongly that this is an important idea that I hope 
the American people will insist upon. And I hope that they will say to 
the Congress, ``Don't let tax cuts or spending increases get in the way 
of getting us out of debt. If you want to spend the money, raise it. Do 
whatever's necessary, but get America out of debt over the next 15 years 
so that we can continue to grow for the next 50 years. It's very, very 
important to our future.''
    Now, here's what's going on here. I know you see all this food fight 
in Washington and you wonder, what is really going on? Here's what's 
going on. We passed a balanced budget bill in 1997. It had very tough 
spending caps. The spending caps were too tough--if you work in a 
teaching hospital, or at other hospitals that have been handicapped by 
the Medicare cutbacks, you know they're too tough. I'll say more about 
that in a minute. But what we said was, ``We're going to balance this 
budget, and then we're going to keep it balanced by staying within these 
caps, which means we have to spend money according to a certain plan 
over the next 5 years; or, if we want to spend more money, we have to 
raise more money, either by cutting some other spending, closing some 
tax loopholes, raising some fees, or raising some tax.'' So that's why 
we're having this fight.
    Then it turns out we have a bigger surplus than we thought we would, 
thanks to the prosperity and the hard work and the productivity of the 
American people. Then the Congress said, ``We want to separate the 
Social Security fund from the other funds.'' That's something they never 
could have done before, because the only surplus we've had for the last 
17 years was in Social Security. All the others--the deficit--every 
year, you saw those deficit numbers, it was always a lot bigger than 
that. It's just--we were paying more in Social Security taxes than we 
were paying out in Social Security payments. And the difference, under 
the Government's unified accounting system, lowered the deficit.
    So they said, ``Let's separate them. Now that we have a non-Social 
Security surplus, let's separate them. And we really want to do this.'' 
So I said, ``Fine by me, I'll do that,'' because under my plan, we would 
keep the Social Security taxes separate, then use the interest savings 
we get on paying down the debt and put it back into Social Security and 
run Social Security out to 2050, beyond the life of almost all but the 
most fortunate baby boomers, and get us through this big population 
problem we've got.
    But when the Congress looked at the books--and the majority party, 
the Republican Party, which normally says they're more conservative than 
we are on spending; it depends on what it is--found out that they 
couldn't spend all the money they wanted to spend with just the non-
Social Security surplus. And they didn't want to raise the cigarette tax 
or raise fees on people that have to help us clean up the toxic waste 
dumps, or close any of the corporate loopholes that I tried to close. 
And so that's why you see all these problems up here.
    They're having a very difficult time, even with this big surplus, 
because they promised they wouldn't touch the Social Security part of 
the surplus, crafting a budget that both protects that surplus, invests 
in important things like education and health care, does what both 
parties wanted to do in transportation, meets their defense targets, and 
stays within the spending cap. So that's why you hear about all these 
gimmicks and why they wanted to start giving poor people their tax 
returns under the earned-income tax credit every month, instead of in a 
lump sum, like the rest of us get ours--and why they wanted to put a 
13th month into the year and all that.
    All that sort of handwringing--it must strike you as crazy, since 
you know we've got a surplus. The reason is, they committed--both 
parties did, back at the first of the year--to take the Social Security 
surplus and

[[Page 2010]]

put it over here and only spend the non-Social Security surplus. It 
never existed before, the non-Social Security surplus. And it's going to 
get bigger and bigger. And this problem won't be here next year or the 
year after next, but right now it's real small; and what they want to 
spend is real big, and they don't want to raise the money to raise the 
difference. That's what's going on.
    How many of you knew that before I explained it? [Laughter] About 10 
hands. That's what's going on. If we were under the old accounting 
system, this would be like falling off a log. It would have no, sort of, 
larger economic impact in the short run, but it could be a very bad 
habit to get into over the long run.
    So if we can stop now, we ought to stop now. But in order to stop 
now, with no gimmicks, we have to work together. If we don't, you wind 
up with the problems that the House of Representatives is confronting 
now. Just let me give you some examples.
    Already in health care, they want to cut $85 million from my request 
for childhood immunizations. That's 170,000 kids who won't get the 
vaccines they need to ward off major childhood diseases like measles and 
mumps. There's no money in this proposal, which was strongly pushed by 
the First Lady, to support graduate medical education at children's 
hospitals, where many of our pediatricians receive their training and 
over half of the specialists in many areas receive their training.
    It doesn't offer even a modest downpayment on my $1 billion effort 
to support our Nation's health care safety net of public hospitals and 
clinics, which--you remember back in '94, when we got whacked around on 
health care, and everybody accused Hillary and me of wanting to have the 
Government take over the health care system, which was not true. They 
said that if our proposal passed, it wouldn't work. We said, if 
something didn't pass, the number of uninsured would go up. And sure 
enough, we were right, and you see the numbers, now.
    Well, one of the things we can do in the short run is to 
dramatically beef up the public health care network. In my home State, 
for example, over 85 percent of all the immunizations are now done in 
the public health clinic, the county health clinic. Even upper-class 
people get their kids immunized in the health clinic. Solves all those 
liability problems and other things, and it's just something we did when 
I was there. But we need to do this. But it can't be done with this bind 
they're in.
    And let me tell you this: If something is not done, they're going to 
go back and cut everything 3 percent across the board. If they exempt 
defense, they'll have to cut everything 6 percent across the board. And 
that is a huge amount of money.
    So I'd like to respectfully suggest that Congress go back and look 
at the budget I sent them 7 months ago. It makes all the investments 
that they want to make and the investments that I believe in. It stays 
within the spending caps by providing offsets, including a 55-cent-a-
pack excise tax on tobacco.
    Now, I believe--I think it's good fiscal policy, and you know it's 
good health policy. You know more than 400,000 Americans die every year 
from smoking-related diseases; almost 90 percent of our people start 
smoking as teenagers, and one of the most effective ways to get the 
attention of teenagers is to raise the price.
    So Congress now faces this, for them, Biblical choice: cut 
investments in areas like health care and education and the environment; 
spend from the Social Security Trust Fund at least one more year; or 
maintain our fiscal discipline and save children's lives by raising the 
price of smoking, closing some corporate loopholes, and doing a few 
other things to raise some money here.
    I know what I believe the right choice is. I think most Americans 
would agree with me. I will work with Congress to put politics aside and 
do the right thing. Congress is clearly capable of working with me. We 
did it in 1996, with the welfare reform bill, which has cut welfare 
rolls almost in half and, after I vetoed two earlier attempts, provided 
billions of dollars in child care and kept the guarantee of Medicaid and 
food stamps for poor families and work. We did it in the 1997 Balanced 
Budget Act. And last week, the House of Representatives did it again 
when they finally passed a strong, enforceable Patients' Bill of Rights, 
thanks to you and others.

[[Page 2011]]

    We are one step closer to seeing all Americans, including those in 
HMO's, have the right to the nearest emergency room care, the right to a 
specialist, the right to know you can't be forced to switch doctors in 
the middle of a treatment, the right to hold a health care plan 
accountable if it causes grave harm. But let me remind you, this is not 
the law of the land yet. This is a bill which has passed the House of 
Representatives. A much, much weaker bill passed the Senate.
    So if you look at the vote in the House--thanks to the solid support 
of the Members of our party and some very, very brave people in the 
Republican Party who stuck their necks out, took a lot of heat from 
their leadership and from the health insurance companies, led by 
Congressman Norwood and others--we got a big victory in the House. It 
wasn't close. It was a big victory--won it by over 100 votes.
    Now, the Senate should listen to that and see the will of the 
American people and give us a bill that is not loaded down with special-
interest poison pills. That was their original strategy. We'll pass this 
bill really strong, but we'll have so much other stuff on it that the 
President will not be able to sign it, or if he does, he'll be sick for 
4 days. [Laughter]
    And so I say to you, thank you for your efforts. I want to ask you 
to do two things. Number one, write every one of those Members of 
Congress that voted right on that bill and recognize that, especially 
for the Republicans, it was a tough vote, and give them a pat on the 
back. And number two, don't stop until it comes to my desk in the right 
form. We are a long way from home, but we have a good chance to win.
    Now, I want to say there are some other opportunities for victory. 
Congress can put progress ahead of partisanship by making it possible 
for the millions of Americans with disabilities who want to work but are 
afraid to because they would lose their Medicare or Medicaid, to do 
that--to go to work and keep their Government health care coverage.
    The Senate has already passed, by a 99-0 vote, the ``Work Incentives 
Improvement Act,'' to ensure that Americans with disabilities can gain 
the dignity of a job without fear of losing their health insurance. A 
bipartisan majority in the House has co-sponsored the same measure. I 
will sign it.
    There is a modest cost associated with this bill for the Government. 
I have offered them offsets for that. And so far, they don't want to 
take that, either. But it would be a pity, when virtually everybody in 
the Congress knows this is the right thing to do, to nickel-and-dime 
this to death. We're talking about thousands and thousands and thousands 
of people's lives.
    I don't know if you know anybody like this. I've had the privilege 
of meeting a substantial number of people who are disabled, who got to 
go into the work force because somebody made provisions for health 
insurance or because they were in an income category where they could 
keep their Medicaid for a while. And I've met even more who would go in 
a New York minute if they knew they could keep their Medicaid or their 
Medicare. And I've met a lot of employers who would hire them but who 
know they cannot afford their health insurance. So I implore you, do 
what you can to help us pass this. This is a bill that everybody's for, 
and the process is still fooling around with it because of a modest cost 
that can easily be offset. That is very important.
    The third thing I ask for your help on doesn't require any more 
legislation, and it's consistent with a commitment you have already 
made. And that is to get children enrolled in the Children's Health 
Insurance Program.
    Since the CHIP program went into effect, it has provided health 
coverage to over a million children whose families can't afford health 
coverage and who make too much to be eligible for Medicaid. I am 

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