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S.Doc.107-3 AUTHORITY AND RULES OF SENATE COMMITTEES, 2001-2002 ...
rights and protection of the environment. For this Californian the quest for high public office--even the United States Senate--was never a simple pursuit of power nor an end in itself. Politics and policy were the means by which he could help make the human passage on earth fairer, safer and more serene. His commitment to halting future use of nuclear weapons began when he was introduced to Albert Einstein in 1946. He was still working tirelessly toward that goal when he died, at age 86, eight years after he left the Senate. In the shorthand of the obituary writer, Cranston is remembered for winning four Senate elections, serving seven consecutive terms as Democratic Whip, for having run for president as the champion of a nuclear freeze and for being tarred by the so-called Keating Five scandal. While all true, that doesn't begin to describe a political career of amazing productivity and accomplishment, showing just how much one person quietly can do to shape his or her times. By one count, there were 2,500 tallies in the Senate between 1969 and 1989 that were decided by fewer than five votes, and often by a single vote. Cranston was often a crucial player, not only for his vote alone but as a behind-the-scene strategist, head counter, marshaler of forces and shrewd compromiser who always lived to fight another day. He was frequently one-half of various Senate odd-couple pairings, meshing his principles with pragmatism. He teamed with conservative Senators such as Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) to improve veterans programs, Alfonse D'Amato (R- N.Y.) on public housing measures and the legendary Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.) to protect press freedoms guaranteed under the First Amendment. Cranston was liberal and an idealist to the core, but never an ideologue or blindly partisan. That balance enabled him to become one of the most durable and successful California politicians of the 20th century. He was elected six times to statewide office from California. Representing the West Coast mega-State in the Senate meant skillfully balancing myriad insistent and often conflicting home-State interests. Even as California changed politically and demographically, Cranston managed to steer a delicate course between the State's giant agribusiness interests and those of consumers, family farmers and farm workers; he weighed the claims of home builders and growing communities against the need to preserve open spaces and wildlife habitats. Amazingly, he helped end the Vietnam War and was a major figure in the nation's arms control and peace movements, even as he effectively represented the epicenter of the nation's defense and aerospace industries. It is a measure of the man that he was able to separate the warriors of Vietnam from the war itself. From 1969 to 1992 all legislation concerning America's veterans bore his stamp, especially measures improving health care and mental health services for those who fought in the nation's most unpopular war. Teaming up with the late Representative Phillip Burton (D) of San Francisco on environmental issues, the two Californians managed to place under Federal protection as much acreage as all the national park lands created earlier in the 20th century combined. Today there is a catalog of thousands of bills and amendments he personally authored affecting virtually every aspect of national life: civil rights, adoption and foster care reform, wild rivers, research to improve aging and longevity, workplace safety, emergency medical services and much more. He lived by the maxim that a leader can accomplish great things if he doesn't mind who gets the credit. The Cranston style has not been much in evidence in Washington during recent years. However, Members in the 107th Congress--where many a cause will be determined by one or very few votes--would do well to consider the lessons of his enobling career. If they study the Cranston legacy and seek to emulate it, the Nation and the world will be better for it. Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, Kim, Colette, Evan, R.E.-- let me begin by saying I loved Alan too. I will never forget the 24 years of friendship and leadership and achievement with which he graced the Senate and the Nation. So it's a special privilege and honor for me to be part of this tribute today. Alan is profoundly missed by his family and friends, his colleagues in the Congress, and by all those around the world who pursue the great goals of hope and progress and peace. I must say, I grew up thinking Cranston was a city in Rhode Island. But Alan taught each of us that Cranston stands for something else as well, the very best in public service. Alan loved to lead behind the scenes; for 14 of those 24 Senate years with us, he was our Democratic Whip, and he wrote the book about the job. In those great years, we used to tease Alan about the position, because so few people outside Congress knew what it involved. Since Alan was from California, a lot of people thought the Minority Whip was the name of a leather bar in Malibu. But seriously, Alan was a giant of his day on many issues, and his concern for social justice made him a leader on them all. We served together for many years on the Labor Committee and especially the Health Subcommittee, and his insights were indispensable. I always felt that if we'd had another Alan Cranston or two in those years, we'd have actually passed our Health Security Act, and made health care the basic right for all that it ought to be, instead of just an expensive privilege for the few. Perhaps the greatest legacy that Alan left us was his able and tireless work for democracy and world peace. Every village in the world is closer to that goal today because of Alan. No one in the Senate fought harder or more effectively for our nuclear weapons freeze in the 1980s, or for nuclear arms control. His hope for a nuclear-free future still represents the highest aspiration of millions, even billions, throughout the world. I also recall Alan's pioneering efforts to press for Senate action to end the war in Vietnam, and his equally able leadership for civil rights at home and human rights around the world. We know how deeply he felt about injustice to anyone anywhere. His leadership in the battle against apartheid in South Africa was indispensable. Throughout his brilliant career, the causes of civil rights and human rights were central to Alan's being and his mission--and America and the world are better off today because Alan Cranston passed this way. A key part of all his achievements was his unique ability to translate his ideals into practical legislation. Few if any Senators have been as skilled as Alan in the art of constructive legislative compromise that fairly leads to progress for the Nation. He was a vigorous supporter of the Peace Corps, a strong overseer of its performance, and a brilliant advocate for all the Peace Corps volunteers. He was a champion for health coverage of returning volunteers, and one of the first to understand that good health coverage had to include mental health services too. In many ways, his first love was the Peace Corps, and I know that President Kennedy would have been very proud of him. Even before he came to the Senate, he had his first contact with the Corps, as a consultant for Sargent Shriver. As Alan often said, he became involved because he was so inspired by my brother's vision of a world where Americans of all ages could work side by side with peoples throughout the world to put an end to poverty. Because of Alan, the Peace Corps today is thriving as never before--free of the partisan tensions that divide us on other issues, spreading international understanding of Alan's and America's best ideals, educating new generations of young Americans about our common heritage as travelers on Spaceship Earth, teaching us about the beauty, the richness, and the diversity of other peoples, other languages, and other cultures and about the enduring importance of the greatest pursuit of all, the pursuit of peace. Near the end of John Bunyan's ``Pilgrim's Progress,'' there is a passage that tells of the death of Valiant: Then, he said, I am going to my Father's. And though with great difficulty I am got hither, yet now I do not regret me of all the trouble I have been at to arrive where I am. My sword I give to him that shall succeed me in my pilgrimage, and my courage and skill to him that can get it. My marks and scars I carry with me, to be a witness for me, that I have fought his battle who now will be my rewarder. When the day that he must go hence was come, many accompanied him to the riverside, into which as he went, he said, `Death, where is thy sting?' and as he went down deeper, he said, `Grave, where is thy victory?' So he passed over, and all the trumpets sounded for him on the other side. We loved you, Alan. We miss you. And we always will. Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, it is a special privilege to join all of you today to honor the life and extraordinary accomplishments of Alan Cranston. As we all know, Alan was a sprinter and--always with an incredible mischievous twinkle in his eye he sprinted through life. I think one of the most enduring images of him is of Alan on the eve of the Iowa caucuses in 1984 at the Holiday Inn in Keokuk, Iowa, sprinting barefooted down the 40-meter hallway, walking back and repeating the exercise for about 40 minutes. It was no coincidence that Alan's favorite hotel in the country, Chicago's O'Hare Hilton, boasts 250-meter hallways. Three weeks ago in California we shared a goodbye to our friend, this sprinter, at a memorial service--calling to mind the many ways he enriched public lives and personal relationships. There in the Grace Cathedral, we heard Colette Cranston say that in death Alan Cranston ``has become my Jiminy Cricket--that little voice in her conscience that says, `Colette, think before you leap.' '' It would not be an exaggeration to say that warning was characteristic of Alan when he served here in the U.S. Senate. He wanted us to look, and he wanted us to leap. He implored us to put a human face on public policy--to think not in statistics and numbers and programs alone, but in terms of people; and the people he spoke of most often were senior citizens, children, those without decent housing, immigrants, and those in need of a helping hand regardless of race or religion. He was a moral voice, a voice of conscience, someone who understood that even as he remained vigilant defending the needs of the homefront in California, he was also a global citizen who knew this institution had global responsibilities. Through four terms as a U.S. Senator, he remained a man of enormous humility; on his answering machine he was simply ``Alan''--as he was to so many who knew him. This personal sense of place and restraint made it easy to underestimate the contributions he made to the Senate, and to our country. Certainly he never paused long enough to personally remind us of the impact of his service, of the history he was a part of and the lives he touched. I first met Alan in 1971 when I had returned from Vietnam and many of our veterans were part of an effort to end a failed American policy in Vietnam. In Alan Cranston we found one of the few Senators willing not just to join in the public opposition to the war in Vietnam, but to become a voice of healing for the veterans of the war, a statesman whose leadership enabled others, over time, to separate their feelings for the war from their feelings for the veterans of the war. At a time when too many wanted to disown its veterans, Alan offered Vietnam veterans a warm embrace. He was eager to do something all too rare in Washington: listen--and he listened to veterans who had much to say, much of it ignored for too long. He honored their pride and their pain with sensitivity and understanding. That's when I first saw the great energy and commitment Alan brought to the issues affecting veterans, especially those of the Vietnam era. He was deeply involved in veterans health care issues, among the first to fight for recognition of post-Vietnam stress syndrome, and a leader in insisting on coverage under the VA for its treatment. When the agent orange issue came to the fore, Alan insisted on getting answers from an unresponsive government about the consequences of exposure to dioxin, making sure that veterans and their families got the health care they needed. Under his leadership Congress grudgingly increased GI bill benefits for Vietnam veterans--veterans who too often had to fight for benefits they should have been guaranteed without question--indeed, for veterans who had to fight if only to have a memorial and if only to have the government recognize that they fought in a war and not a police conflict. Alan's leadership made all the difference. It is a sad truth in our country's history that a weary Nation seemed eager to turn its back on so many Vietnam veterans who simply sought their due; it should forever be a source of pride to the Cranston family that Alan was chief among those who insisted that America honor that service and keep faith with sons who left pieces of themselves and years of their lives on the battlefield in that far-away nation. This was a man who fought with the greatest of passion for those who had fought in a difficult war--even as he was also the Senator who fought against all that war represents--remembering that war, brutality, and killing are the ultimate failure of diplomacy. Alan Cranston was above all a man of peace. With him it was not just a policy but a passion. Remember: This was a man who, in 1934, found himself in the same room as Adolf Hitler. Five years later, he wrote a critical English translation of Adolf Hitler's ``Mein Kampf'' in an effort to reveal the German leader's true plans. He wore Hitler's ensuing lawsuit as a badge of honor, proud that he had stood up to try and warn the English-speaking world about the evils of nazism. Throughout the rest of his service he used public office to force Americans to listen to other prescient warnings-- about nuclear arms, about a dangerous arms race spiraling beyond our control, and about hopes for peace that he refused to give up even as others chose to beat the drums for war. Senator Cranston came to his famous commitment to arms control after meeting with Albert Einstein in 1946. He left that meeting convinced that the threat of atomic weapons had to be stemmed--and he spent the balance of his life arguing that conviction before the Nation. As a member of the Senate leadership and a senior voice on the Democratic side of the Foreign Relations Committee he worked to reduce the nuclear threat. One of his most important efforts was one of the least publicized. Throughout the 1970s and the 1980s, Alan convened a unique arms control study group, the ``SALT Study Group.'' This Senators-only gathering met monthly in his office, off the record, and face to face to define common ground. He knew the impact quiet diplomacy could have on the issues he cared about most of all. He loved what the Peace Corps does, and he fought for it. He fought to attach human rights conditions on aid to El Salvador and to halt contra aid. He was a leading national advocate for a mutual verifiable nuclear freeze. He was always an idealist whose increase in political power was always met by progress for the issues he cared about so deeply. It was not just the work of a career, but
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